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YALE STUDIES IN ENGLISH 
ALBERT S. COOK, EDITOR 



XXX 

THE LANGUAGE OF THE 
NORTHUMBRIAN GLOSS 

TO THE 

GOSPEL OF ST. LUKE 

i 

BY 

MARGARET BUTTON KELLUM 

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE 

SCHOOL OF YALE UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDACY FOR 

THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 





NEW YORK 

HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 

1906 



Kf5 




OXFORD: HORACE HART 
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 






37000101 

n.n >/* 



PBEFATORY NOTE 

A PORTION of the expense of printing this thesis has 
been borne by the Modern Language Club of Yale 
University from funds placed at its disposal by the 
generosity of Mr. George E. Dimock, of Elizabeth, New 
Jersey, a graduate of Yale in the class of 1874. 



CONTENTS 
PAET I. PHONOLOGY 

PAGE 

A. THE VOWELS OF THE STEM SYLLABLES . . i 
CHAPTER I. Short Vowels, 1-5 . . i-io 
CHAPTER II. Long Vowels, 6-10 . . . 10-13 
CHAPTER III. Diphthongs, 11-14 - I 3~ I 7 

CHAPTER IV. Changes in Accented Vowels through 

the Influence of Neighboring Sounds, 15-54 . 17-40 

B. THE VOWELS OF UNSTEESSED AND OF SECON- 

DARILY STRESSED SYLLABLES . . . . 41 

CHAPTER V. Suffixes, Prefixes, Compound Words, 

Medial Vowels, 55-60 41-48 

C. THE CONSONANTS 49 

CHAPTER VI. Semi- Vowels, 61-62 . . . 49-51 
CHAPTER VII. Liquids and Nasals, 63-66 . 52-54 
CHAPTER VIII. Labials, 67-69 . . .54, 55 
CHAPTER IX. Dentals, 70-73 .... 55-58 
CHAPTER X. Velars and Palatals, 74-76. . 58-61 
CHAPTER XI. Gemmation, &c., 77-80 



vi CONTENTS 

PART II. INFLECTION 

PAGE 

A. THE VEEB ....... 64 

CHAPTER XII. Personal Endings, 81-97 64-75 

CHAPTER XIII. Tense-Formation of Strong 

Verbs, 98-104 ...... 76-84 

CHAPTER XIV. Tense-Formation of Weak Verbs, 

105-107 85-91 

CHAPTER XV. Minor Groups, 108-112 . 91-93 

B. THE NOUN, THE ADJECTIVE, THE ADVEEB . 94 

CHAPTER XVI. Declension of the Noun, 113- 
127 ......... 94-107 

CHAPTER XVII. Declension and Comparison of 

the Adjective, 128-130 .... 108-113 

CHAPTER XVIII. Adverbs and Numerals, 
131-132 ........ 




, BlBLIOGEAPHY . Il6-Il8 



O 



PART I 
PHONOLOGY 

A. THE VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 
CHAPTEE I. SHORT VOWELS 

a. 

1. I. In the Lindisfarne Gospel of Luke, a in origi- 
nally closed syllables normally appears as 88 (S. 49). 

(a) Examples of SB before simple consonants, or those 
doubled only by the scribe, occur in i and 3 sing. pret. 
ind. of st. vbs. Cl. IV, V: bsed 5. 12, baed 7. 3, gebrsec 

9. 1 6, gebser 1. 24, cuseft 14. 25, agsef 9. 42, ongset 5. 22, 
gelaeg 5. 25, eftsset 7. 15, sprsec 9. n ; in the pret. of the 
root, wes : wses 2. 2, &c. ; in the pret.-pres. vb., maga : mseg 

10. 25, 14. 20 ; in the imper. of st. vbs. Cl. VI : wraec 
18. 3, fser 13. 31 (this form always appears in the imper. 
in North., as opposed to the "WS. far, cf. Biilb., Angl. 
Beibl. 9. 90 ; S. 49, anm. 2 ; 368, anm. 2). Other ex- 
amples : aat I 9. 8, sstt 10. 39, sef (dael) 19. 37, sefgroefa 

12. 58, sef (ssego$) I 8. 5, bsec I 6. 14, bsecc 17. 31, dseg 
1. 80, lehtfset 8. 16, fser (subst.) 10. 33, tofssr 9. 31, gsett 

13. 24, glsed 23. 8, hused 10. 35, huses 12. 40, huset 8. 9, 
pseiS 16. 26, $ses 11. 29, $aet 5. 6 (usually, however, repre- 
sented by ^). 

The retention of a in ac (ah) I 6. 1 8, and was 22. 59, 
may be due to the weak accent (S. 49, anm. i ; EB. 454). 

(b) Examples of se before consonant groups are : sefter 
17. 30, crasfte I 2. i, dsersto I 8. 16 (cf. 19, 1), fserwitfulla 
12. 26 (besides feruitgiornis I 3. 9, cf. (c) below), fsestlice 

B 



2 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

7. 49, gefrsegn I 9. 16, gefraegn 9. 18 (besides gefraign 

8. 30, v. 14), ongsegn I 9. 16 (for the possibility of this 
ae being due to i-umlaut, cf. Lind. 2 9, anm. 2; 66), 
gsers 12. 28 (for the absence of breaking, v. 19, I), 
hrsegle 10. 13, linenhrsegla 24. 12, waghrsel 23. 45, on- 
ssecne 14. 18, wsestm 1. 42, (S. 165, anm. 3; Fii. i, i ; 
Fo. i, II) ; the pret. ind. and opt. and the pret. part, of 
habba and ssecga : hsefde 19. 20, 17. 6, hsebde 8. 6, ssegdon 
I 10. 3, ssegde 14. 21, gessegd I 4. 4 ; and the pret. opt. 
wselde 1. 62. 

hondbseftadon 23. 27 is doubtful, cf. 53, VII. 

so$hu3e$re 19. 27 belongs here if we assume two stems, 
one in old a, to account for the forms with SB, which are 
rare in Luke, and one in old e, to account for the more 
usual forms with e (cf. 2) and oe (cf. 41) (Morsbach, 
Schriftsprache, p. 30 ; ME. Gr., p. 131 ; Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 
10. 368 ; Fii. i, i). 

The se in the pres. opt. hsebbe 8. 18, waelle 10. 22 (un- 
less this form belongs under 22, 1, note), and in the pres. 
part, habbend 7. 2 ; and the a in habba 24. 39, habbanne 
21. 36, habbas 12. 4, hlattade 1. 21, hlatto 12. 45, asca 
10. 13, 9. 5, support the view of S. in Ags. Voc., pp. 15, 
1 6, that, before doubled consonants and sc, a becomes 88 
if a palatal vowel follows, but a is retained if a velar 
vowel follows. This law fails to explain hlaetto 12. 45, 
wsello 20. 3 (for the latter, however, cf. 22, I, note). 

For the a in fasne 8. 44 v. Fo. i, II. 

(c) e in place of ae appears in cweiS 24. 19, gecueft 
13. 17, gefregn 38. 36, agef 4. 20 (pret. ; cf. also 50), 
eftersona 23. 20, feruitgiornis I 3. 9 (Lind. 2 16, anm. 2, 
considers this as ~WG. e or i). In hehstaldes, e is used 
throughout: hehstald 1. 27, hehstaldes 1. 27, &c. (S. 
398, 3, and Cook, Gl., give this word as heh- ; but cf. Fii. 
i, i ; Lind. 2 n). 

II. "WG. a in orig. open syllables appears partly as a, 
partly as se. 



SHORT VOWELS 3 

(a) If the following syllable contains a velar vowel, a 
remains. Examples of a occur in the following verbal 
forms: ala$ 11. 44, aron 24. 38, hafo 12. 50, gehlaftas 
14. 17, gemacade I 5. 13, magon 11. 46, onsuarade 5. 3, 
getalade 11. 38 ; also in acasa 3. 9, apoltre 6. 22, dagana 
14. 10, dagum 1. 5, fadores 6. 23, fadorum 1. 72, fato 

17. 31, fraco"S 16. 25, raccentegum 8. 29, sagum I 2. 10, 
stafum 23. 38, staras 1. 26 (the a is given as long by 
K1.-L. ; v. under starling, but cf. Lind. 2 12, anm.), ftafanda 
22. 5, wacan 12. 38, waccane 12. 38, wraco 19. 12. 

In onsuare 19. 16, the final e is weakened from u, 
and a is therefore retained. 

Through analogy to other forms in the inflection, SB is 
found instead of a in the verbal forms hsefo 12. 17 (besides 
hafo, v. above), fseraS 10. 10 (besides gefara, v. above), 
onsseca 14. 18, onsseccaS 20. 27; also in hondhsefum 
11. 46, ondsuaeP (= -um) 2. 47, wrsecco 18. 5 (orig. an 
open syllable ; besides wraco, v. above). 

e for 89 appears in ondsuere 2. 26 (cf. onsuare, above). 

For plsegade 7. 32, v. S. 236, anm. 13, b. (The aa points 
to an old e-stem.) 

(b) If the following syllable contains an orig. e (not 
weakened from a velar vowel), WG. a regularly appears 
as se. 

Examples : dsage 1. 59, fsader 14. 21, fa9te I 5. 17, glasde 
1. 14, rs9$e 18. 8, stsgfes 16. 17, wrsecce 18. 8 (belongs to 
wr89c, cf. Lind. 2 12, a), ws9ter 7. 44 ; the optatives gefs9re 

18. 25, msege 3. 8, the 2 and 3 sing. pres. ind. and the sing, 
imper. hsefis 19. 25, hsefeS 12. 19, h89fe 10. 35, S89ge$ 
I 3. n, ssege 8. 39 (but for these forms cf. Streitberg, 
Urg. Gram. p. 306 ff. ; Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 90, 93, 108; 
Lind. 2 10). 

The opt. onsaaca I 6. 7 has 89, perhaps on the analogy 
of the opt. with the palatal ending. 

Csefertune 22. 55 (besides ceafertun 11. 52, v. 50) may 
belong here, otherwise with 22, 1 (d), cf. Lind. 2 10. 

B 2 



4 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

In the infin. maege I 7. 5, we find ae followed by e 
weakened from a. 

For the se in hlaetmest, faest'n, setgsedre, and in the 
pres. part, and infin. of st. vbs., Cl. VI, v. 22, I (c) ; for 
maegen, maegden, gaefel, geslaegen, &c., v. 22, I (d). 

Through the influence of analogy, a appears where we 
should expect ae in fatte 8. 16 (besides faste, above), fader 
3. 8 (besides faeder), hafeS 17. 9 (besides haefeft). 

Loan-words : for caelc, caelce, cf. 22, I (d) ; aelmiso, 
v. 22, I (&) ; caercherne, 34. The ae in saecerdhad 1. 18 
would appear to indicate that the short quantity of the 
Latin original was sometimes retained in North. ; ae is 
likewise found in saecerdhad Mk. I 1. 20, and in saecerd 
twice in B,u. 2 (v. Lind. 2 14). a remains in sacerd 1. 5, 
sacerdum 17. 14, sacerdhades 1. 9 (for its length, cf. Pog. 
168 ; S. 50, anm. 5 ; Ags. Voc., p. 10). 

a is retained in asald 14. 5, assald 13. 15, calic 22. 42, 
calicer 11. 39 (Pog. 216 considers as long), carnal 18. 25, 
carcern 12. 58, oftrahtung 18. TO, getrahtade I 3. 2. 

III. WGr. a appears as o (not 9) on account of lack of 
accent (cf. S. 51, 65, anm. 2 ; EB. 454 ; Fii. 1,3): of 5. 10, 
on 21. 31, "Son 2. 19, huod-(huoegu) 22. 35, huot(huoego) 
7. 40. 

For orig. a in the second members of compounds, v. 57. 

"WGr. a is limited in its occurrence by : 

(1) The change to o before nasals, 15. 

(2) Breaking to ea (eo) before r-combinations, 19. 

(3) Diphthongization after a palatal, 50, 52. 

(4) Contraction, 53. 

(5) Change to e, ae, through i-umlaut, 22. 



e. 

2. WG-. e occupies about the same ground as in 
WS., except that it remains unchanged after a palatal 
consonant and is more subject than in WS. to the 



SHORT VOWELS 5 

influence of a preceding w and of the u-, o/a-umlaut 
(cf. Lind. 4, Lea 4, Fu. 2). 

Numerous examples of e occur in the pres. of st. vbs., 

01. Ill, IV, V, and in the pret. part, in Cl. V : gebeden 
I 7. 2, beres 14. 27, gebernes 8. 16, cueftas 6. 28, delfo 
13. 8, eta^S 15. 2, ettas 5. 30 (also eto 17. 8, eta 22. 30, and 
setta 12. 45, v. below), fregna 20. 3, gefregno 23. 14 (forms 
with & in the pres. are more frequent, v. below, frsegno, 
&c. ; for fraignende I 6. 19, v. 14), agef (imper.) 6. 29, 
forgefo 23. 16, begetne I 8. 16, ongeten 1 11. n, geldanne 
7.41, helpende I 7. n, gelegeno 24. 4, gemeten 6. 38, 
gesegen 1. 3, spreces I 3. 4, sprece 1. 19, sprecend 12. 3, 
forswelgas 20. 47, getreden 8. 5. Other examples : beb- 
bisca 18. 37, gebed 23. 24, winbeger 6. 44, unberend 1. 7, 
bergana 8. 32, besmum 11. 25, bismeria 14. 29, gecuelledo 

23. 32, efn 6. 34, fe-Srum 13. 14, gere 18. 24, nest 13. 34, 
ondget 24. 45, huefter 6. 39, (so$)hue"$re 6. 35, (3ah)- 
hue$re 6. 33 (besides -huseftre, v. i, I (&)), mec 14. 27, 
sedle 1. 52 (sedlo 20. 46), godspell I 2. 6, godspelledon 

24. 15, suegir 12. 53 (besides suoeger 12. 53, v. 40, swer 
I 4. 1 6, suaer 4. 38, v. 53 II, 43), telgum 13. 19, -Sec 
23. 37, weg 7. 27 (woeg 3. 4, 41), welig 12. 21, wer 

2. 36 (besides woer 8. 38, v. 41), werum 11. 31 (besides 
warana 14. 24, wseras 9. 32, v. 46). 

For the reduplicating preterites : heht 5. 14, fengon 
5. 5, ahengon 23. 23, cf. Streitberg, pp. 168, 331 ; S. 394 ; 
395, 1, and anm. i ; Lind. 2 18. 

88 instead of e is found in setta 12. 45, fraegno 22. 68, 
frsegnanne 9. 45, frsegnende I 10. 6, fraegnende 2. 46, 
sprsecend 1. 64, tostraegdseS 11. 23, wses (imp.) 18. 13 
(where EB. 92, anm., attributes it to the influence of w, 
cf. 41), wrseco 18. 5, wrsec 18. 3 (S. 391, anm. 5). 

Gmc. e appears as o in o$3e I 4. 3, oft-Sa 22. 27 (=Got. 
ai]?]?au, but cf. Lea 42, a). 

Loan-words : cent' I 5. io,senepes 13, 19, tempel I 10. 3, 
tempeles 23. 45. 



6 VOWELS OF THE STEM- SYLLABLES 

~WG. e is limited in its occurrence by : 

(1) The change to i before a nasal, 17. 

(2) A preceding palatal, 49 ff. 

(3) Breaking before r-, h-, 1-combinations, 19 ff. 

(4) The change to eo (ea) through u/o-umlaut, 31 

(5) Contraction, 53. 

(6) The influence of a preceding w, 41. 



i. 




3* I. ~WG. i (= Idg. i) is found in the 2 sing, and 
pi. pret. ind., the pret. opt., and pret. part. st. vbs., Cl. I 
(the pi. pret. ind., however, is usually affected by u/o-um- 
laut, cf. 32) : gedrifen 8. 29, fordrifeno 13. 28, arisen 
22. 45, gesliten 8. 29, besmitten 14. 34, astigon 5. 19, 
bisuicen 21. 8, foreawrigen 23. 45, awrite I 2. 13, awritten 
3. 4, hrippes 19. 21 (probably the i is short since some of 
the forms show u/o-umlaut (e. g. hriopaft 12. 24, cf. 32), 
cf. S. 382, anm. 3 ; Beitr. 10. 506 ; Fii. 3, bem. ; Fo. 3) ; in 
the pret.-pres. vb. wuta: witte$ 21. 30, witto 1. 18, witte 
8. 10, wiste 12. 39 ; also in bilwit (cf. Fo. 3, 1) 11. 34, 
halfcwic 10. 30, eswico 13. 15, fisces I 11. 14, geflit 
I 11. 3, (grist)bittung 13. 28, hider 16. 26, his 1. 77, him 
2. 33, hine 2. 44, hire 1. 28, hit 11. 28, hliniga 13. 29, 
huiddir 9. 57, hwistlum 7. 32, lifes 4. 4, lifiga 24. 23, 
niftrung 23. 40, geniftrad 6. 37, sinigaS 20. 35, instihtade 
I 2. 6, hornpic 4. 9, priclu 12. 59, scipe 5. 3, tosliterum 
12. u, bidder 24. 28, widua I 4. 15, awisnade 8. 6, 
unwittende I 7. 19, witnese 18. 20, wr3 I 2. 2, ondwlitto 
22. 64, msegwlit 9. 29, writtra I 3. 3. 

For bi$ 6. 44, bist 10. 41 as contamination- forms, cf. 
Streitberg, p. 317 ; but cf. also Brugmann, Kur. Gr. 655. 

The i in Sirde 13. 32, Sirddan 24. 7, may belong here 
or in II (6) ; cf. the two possible ground-forms given by 
KL, PG., p. 492 : *tretio- and *tritio- ; cf. also Brugmann, 
Kur. Gr. 441, 3 ; 447, 3. 



SHORT VOWELS 7 

II. i<WG-. i, Idg. e. 

(a) Before a nasal -f cons. : the pres. of st. vbs., 01. Ill : 
bindeS 11. 22, blinna$ 22. 51 (cf. also 56, II), drinco 

17. 8, dringes 17. 8, gefindes 15. 9, onginnes 13. 25, 
grindas 17. 35, singes 22. 34, gesuingeS 18. 33, gelimpeS 

21. 13, geSringaS 8. 45 ; the subst. vb. sint 2. 49, sindon 
9. 12; and blind 18. 35, fingeres 16. 24, inna 1. 15, innaS 
I 3. 15, innoS I 7. 7, hring 15. 22, tintergo 12. 5, intinge 

8. 47, inSing 23. 14, -Sing 18. 27, wind 8. 24, winnaS 
12. 27, wintra I 2. 4, winstrum 23. 33. 

y for i is found in symble I 9. 12, (where Fii. 3 
attributes it to the labializing influence of m), Wynnes 
I 2. 8 (where the change is probably due to the preceding 
w, cf. 47). 

(6) Before an orig. i or j : the pres. forms of bidda, 
sitta : biddo 8. 28, biddas 13. 24, sitteft 14. 28, sittendo 
5. 17 ; also birdas 2. 24, is 2. 49, cild 1. 41, firr 24. 28, 
firrfara 7. 6 (cf. also 19, III), earliprece I 11. 16, micel 
16. 25, micla 8. 39, middum I 11. 12, mitto 11. 33, mildsa 

18. 39, scilling 15. 9, sibb 1. 79, gesigfte 9. 52, gesihSo 
1. 22, spilled 17. 33, feortig I 4. 10, (fif)tih 16. 6, gesmiride 
4. 1 8, smirinise 7. 37 (cf. 19, III), titto 11. 27, ftignen 

22. 56, willo 2. 14, will 13. 31 (for the forms with a: 
wallas 8. 20, wallaiS 16. 26, &c., cf. Fii. 3 ; for those 
with SB : wselle 13. 20, wsello 20. 3, wsellaS 12. 29, &o., 
cf. 22, I, note). 

Welle 22. 42, nelle 14. 12, may be due to the inter- 
change of e and i, but cf. 22, 1, note. 

Loan-words: cirica 7. 5, disces 11. 39, disc 22. 30, 
discipul I 2. i, libra 19. 20, libras 19. 13, sinapis I 8. 6, 
binna 2. 16 (Lind. 2 20). 

i>i by the falling out of a nasal before a voiceless 
spirant ( 66, II) in : fiftih 16. 6, fifo I 7. 2, siSum 15. 8, 
feorsrSum 19. 8, grist(bittung) 13. 28 (Lind. 2 43), swi$e 

9. 29, suiSra 6. 6 ; also in the loan-word pisum 15. 16, 
pislice 11. 53 (Fo. 3). 



8 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

In si$$a 7. 45 (besides soSSa 13. 7, cf. 32 (c)), the 
i has again been shortened (EB. 246, 336). 
"WGr. i is limited in its occurrence by : 

(1) Breaking before r-combinations, and h, 19 ff. 

(2) u/o-umlaut, 32. 

(3) The influence of a preceding w, 47. 

(4) Contraction, 53. 



o. 



4. WG. o remains unchanged in the pret. part, of 
st. vbs. Cl. II, III, IV : beboden I 9. 7, boren 21. 23, 
gebroceno 4. 18, gecoren I 7. i, ofcorfen 3. 9, underdolfen 

8. 14, gefrognen 17. 20, beloccen 11. 7, forloren 15. 32, 
tostrogden 21. 6, geftorscen 20. 10, gewordne I 3. 4 ; also 
in bod 13. 18, bodare 9. 33, gebohte 1 10. i, bodigo 2. 10, 
cofa 19. 46, coss 7. 45, costende I 10. 8, costunges 8. 13, 
cotte 11. 7, cropp 6. 44, dohter 2. 36, dor 13. 25, droppo 
22. 44, fola I 10. 2, folc 2. 36, foxe 13. 32, fore 1. 17, 
forhtiga 21. 9, grornunge 1. 6, lof 18. 43, losa 9. 24, hlod 
I 3. 4, hogascip 2. 47, horn 1. 69, hordern 12. 24, hosum 
15. 1 6, loswist 9. 25, molrSa 12. 33, tomorgen 12. 28, 
morSor 23. 19, norSa 13. 29, oxa 14. 5, oft 10. 40, posa 

9. 3, unscortende 12. 33 (besides sceortiga 22. 32, 52), 
snotrum 10. 21, oferslopum 20. 46, Solende I 5. 7, ftornas 
8. 7, woken 9. 34, word 24. 17. 

For holas 9. 58, holo I 6. 12, cf. S. 242, anm. 3 ; EB. 
529 ; Fo. 3 ; cf. 76. 

'Sorfe'S 5. 31, "Sorfende 16. 22, &c., owe their vowel to 
the pret. "Sorfte (Lea 9 (i) ; Fii. 4, bemerkung ; Lind. 2 48, 
anm. 3). 

In some words, always apparently in close connection 
with a labial consonant, WGr. o appears as u (S. 55 ; 
Fii. 4, bemerkung; EB. 116): full 1. 28, ufa 24. 49, ufor 
14. 10, ulfum 10. 3, fugul 13. 34, lufo 11. 42, lufaS 7. 5, 
lufiande 6. 32, wrSspurna 4. u, geondspurnad 7. 33. 

Through a scribal error, a stands for o in lasaS 5. 37. 




SHORT VOWELS 9 

o of WS. wolde is replaced by a, SB: walde 19. 23, 
waldest 13. 34, wselde 1. 62,. 

For ohtrippe, cf. n. 

Loan-words : olebearu 22. 39, apostolas I 9. 6, port- 
cuoene 7. 37, scorpion 11. 22. The o in torr 13. 4, torres 
I 3. 8, corresponds to classical Latin u (= popular Latin 
o) of turns. 

WG. o is limited in its occurrence by : 

(1) The change to u before a nasal, 18. 

(2) i-umlaut, 23. 

u. 

5. WG. u remains in the pret. pi. ind. and pret. opt. 
of st. vbs., Cl. II, and in the pret. pi. ind., pret. opt., 
and pret. part, of strong vbs. of Cl. Ill : forlure 15. 9, 
gebunden 8. 29, unbundon 19. 31, bebrugdon 20. 20, 
gecurfe 11. 6, underdulfon 8. 7, druncon 17. 27, druncene 
I 10. 8, fundon 19. 48, frugnon 3. 14, guidon 7. 42, 
ongunnon 7. 49, gehulpo 5. 7, gesungon 7. 32, "Surgeon 
22. 63, geftrungen 8. 42, wunnon 5. 5, wurpon 19. 35 ; 
also in burug 9. 10, utacund 16. 12, cunnande 17. 20, 
dumb 1. 22, dura 11. 7, fultume 10. 40, grund 6. 49, 
hundas 16. 21, hundraft 16. 40, hunger 4. 25, lustlice 
I 10. 5, sum 11. 27, sunu 6. 35, sunna 21. 25, sulh 9. 62, 
getrummade 3. 18, getrumade 9. 51 (besides the umlauted 
forms, cf. 24), tunga 1. 64, tungul I 10. 16, fturstendo 
I 5. 6, Suslice 9. 9, upp I 4. 10, under 4. 27, wuldor 4. 6 
(Fii. 5), gewuldrade 23. 47, wundum 16. 20, wundria 1. 46. 

By the falling out of a nasal before a voiceless spirant 
u>u in : us 13. 25, usra 20. 14, usum 1. 73, cufto 2. 44, 
cu-5amen 1. 5, mu$i 1. 64, suft 12. 55, su$a 13. 29, uftwutto 
22. 66. Because of the weak accent this u appears as 6 
in o$3 2. 15, &c. (<*un|>, EB. 454). 

Loan-words : luh 8. 22, cursung 20. 47 (Lind. 2 24), 
turturas 2. 24, culfra 3. 22 (Holthausen, IF. 10. 1 12 ; cf. 
Kl., PG, p. 337). 



10 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

"WGr. u is limited in its occurrence by : 

(1) i-umlaut, 24. 

(2) Change to iu after palatals, 49 ff. 



CHAPTER II. LONG VOWELS 

The long vowels are not regularly marked, but are 
sporadically indicated by an accent ( ' ) or by doubling 
the vowel (Lea 38). "Where such indications occur in 
the text, they will be noted. 



6. "WGr. a (=Gmc. se, Got. e, "WS. se) is represented 
by e with a few examples of se (S. 150, i ; EB. 96). 

This e appears in the third stem of st. vbs. Cl. IV, V : 
bedon I 9. 5, beron 7. 14, brecon 13. 26, gebrecon 6. i, 
gefreten 8. 5, &on 13. 26, geton 18. 34, ongeton 18. 34, 
gesprecon 2. 15, gesegon 5. 2,6 ; in the pres. and pret. 
part, of some red. vbs. : ondredes 23. 40, leto 13. 28, letas 
18. 1 6, redanne 4. 16, slepes 22. 46 ; in the subst. vb. : 
weron 16. n, wer 2. 22, nere I 3. 9, toweron 23. 48 ; in 
the pret. of the vb. doa : dedon 6. n, fterhdedon 2. 39 
(for the more frequent forms with y : dyde 2. 48, dydon 
17. 10, &c., cf. 24). Other examples: ber 5. 18, beer 
5. 24, bernisse 21. u, dedum 23. 51, efernlocaS 24. 
29, erend(wreco) 7. 42 (Kl., Beitr. 6. 385, 386; Bugge, 
ibid. 24. 431 ff. ; Fii. 6; but cf. also S. 100, anm. 4), 
ettere 7. 34, dtlic 24. 41, ferlice 9. 39, feerstylt 5. 26, erist 
2. 34, eswico 13. 15, huer 17. 17, huer 9. 48, he*r 21. 18, 
ger I 4. 6, lece I 2. i, lecnande 9. 6, lego 16. 24, forletnise 
21. 20, megas 23. 49, mersung 4. 14, gemersiaft I 7. 19, 
ned 9. 39, nedon 24. 29, nedles 18. 25, nedra 11. n, redo 
1 11. 5, sed 8. n, sede 1. 55, seteras 20. 20, slep 5. 9, spree 
16. 9, teleS 10. 16, telnise I 6. 12, fter 22. 12, wedes 8. 44, 
geweded 8. 35, wepen(berend) I 7. 5, setnung 23. 19, weron 



LONG VOWELS 11 

As this e is not changed by i-umlaut, I have thought 
it unnecessary to distinguish those words in which the 
umlaut conditions are present, as in lece, dedum, sed, &c. 
(cf. EB. 192, Lea 45, Fii. 6, Fo. 6). 

The e in the sing, geett 4. 2, gefrett 15. 30 is common 
Gmc. (Kl., PG., p. 436; S. 391, anm. 3 ; cf. Got. fret, OHG. 
az, frat, ON. at). 

se for e is found in mgegwlit 9. 29, wsere 5. 12, &c. 
(where Fiichsel considers it to be due to the & of the 
sing., Fii. 6, bemerkung). 

e never appears in "WG. swa, but always se or a : swsa 

18. 9, suse 5. 7, sua 8. 18 (Fii. 6; Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 10. 
368 ff. ; EB. 103 ; Fo. 6). 

The a of gan has not yet been satisfactorily explained ; 
cf. S. 57, anm. i ; Fii. 6 ; Fo. 6 ; KL, PG., p. 433. For 
the forms, cf. 112. 

WG. a is limited in its occurrence by : 

(1) Following nasals, i<5. 

(2) Following palatals, 37. 

(3) Preceding palatals, 52. 

e. 

7. The origin of this e (=Gmc. e) is obscure; cf. 
KL, PG., p. 411; Streitberg, 79; Bowen, pp. 7, 10. 
The only example is : her 22. 38. 

Loan-words : febere 4. 39, feberadlum 4. 38 (Pog. 118), 
creciscum I 2. 9. 

i. 

8. WG. I appears as i. Examples : the pres. forms 
of st. vbs. Cl. I : abidas 7. 20, bidend 2. 25, bites 9. 39, 
adrifa 19. 16, ariso 15. 18, scineS 17. 34, gescira 16. 2, 
astigeft 18. 31, toslito 12. 18, gesuica 18. i, oferwrigaS 
1. 35, awritt 16. 6 ; also : bides 21. 26, blrSe I 7. 9, dicg 

19. 43, gediides 11. 27, forduineft 14. 34, gitsare I 7. 14, 
higo 2. 4, higna 13. 25, hwil 12. 50, huit 9. 29, idlo 1. 53, 
gelic I 8. 14, lichoma 12. 22, licSrower 4. 27, lif 12. 15, 



32 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

linneno 16. 19, min 9. 35, rixaft 22. 25, scimande 17. 24, 
sciremonn 3. i, scripen 19. 21 (Lind. 2 28, anm. i), sido 
12. 35, swigadon 23. 56, sum 15. 16, ofersurSet I 4. n, 
tid 1. 57, 'Sin 16. 6, -Srifald 14. n, -Srinise I 4. 9, wif 2. 5, 
wigbed 11. 51, wines I 5. 2, wisa 15. 7, witge 7. 28, 
witgong I 4. 3, on writing I 10. 8. 

For 3rio, ftrim, &c., v. 53. 

For hrippes, cf. 3, I ; fifo, swifte, &c., cf. 3, III. 

For scip 15. 6, cf. 52 (e)\ lib 11. 5, bitwih 11. 51, 
cf. 39. 

For the i in giuiaft 11. 10, giuaS 11. 12, giude 23. 52, 
&c., and giunga I 7. 2, cf. Lea 51, note; but cf. also 
EB. 256, anm. 

For gehrine$ 7. 39, gehrinade 18. 15, gehriiied 21. 5, 
&c., cf. Fii. 14 ; Lind. 2 28, anm. 2. 

Loan-words : crist I 10. 10, &c., fie I 8. 3, ricu 4. 5, 
ricemenn 7. 41, pinia 8. 28. 



6. 

9. WGr. 6 appears as 6. 

Examples : all forms of the pret. of st. vbs. Cl. VI : 
ahof 1. 52, onsoc 22. 57, slogon 22. 64, astod 6. 8, onstodon 
23. 23, gesuor 1. 73, geftuoge 7. 4, geftuogun 5. 2, awox 
2. 40, awoxe 22. 31 ; numerous pres. forms of vb. doa : 
dom 20. 8, doa 12. 17, &c. ; also : broker 6. 42, boc 4. 17, 
blod 11. 50, dogrum 2. 46, dome 11. 32, fostring I 2. i, 
fota I 11. 13, nod 17. 27, bereflor 3. 17, flowing 8. 43, 
frofor 2. 25, god 18. 18, behofaS 12. 12, behoflic' 14. 28, 
hrofe 17. 34, locas I 10. 17, moder I 5. n, mores 19. 37, 
mot 6. 41, hrowundum 8. 23, unrod I 6. 9, unrot 18. 4, 
socnises 19. 44, stowa 11. 24, Srowung 9. 23, ftrowiga 
22. 15, wop 13. 28. 

In gesohte, the o is shortened (S. 125). 

For the 6 in brohte, gesohte, woh, &c., cf. 15, III. 

In to 1. 28, 2. 34, &c., Btilbring considers that we have 



LONG VOWELS 13 

WG. 6 with lengthening (EB. 101) ; Sievers regards the 
6 as WG. (Gram. 60, anm.). 

Final wo appears as u in hu 24. 6, huu 15. 17, tuu 
10. 17, and in the compound hulic 7. 39, hulco I 9. 3 
(S. 60, anm.; 172, anm.; EB. 102; 464). 

Loan-words: or 19. 13, brydlopum 20. 34 (where o 
represents ON. au ; cf. S. 26, anm. ; Kl., PG., p. 932 ; also 
Bjorkman, Scand. Loan-Words, p. 71, note ; Fii. 9), stol 
15. 22, stolum 20. 46 (Pog. 150 ; S., Ags. Voc., p. 13), non 
23. 44. . 

WG. o is changed to oe, e, by i-umlaut, 25. 



10. WG. u appears as u in : brucco 22. n, brucaiS 
14. 15 (pres. of st. vb. 01. II, explained as aorist pres. by 
Osthoff, PBB. 8. 282 ; cf. KL, PG. 161, p. 430), lond- 
buend I 3. 8, neheburas 1. 58, buta 2. 26, drugi I 5. 4 
(besides drygi 23. 31 ; cf. 26), fordrugade 8. 6, adune 
19. 6, hiis 13. 35, rummod 6. 35, scua 1. 79, lehtune 13. 19, 
feltune 14. 35, Susendo 9. 14, uta 14. 35. 

u is changed to y by i-umlaut, 26. 



CHAPTER III. DIPHTHONGS 

ai. 

11. "WG. ai appears as a: in the i and 3 sing. pret. 
ind. of st. vbs. 01. I : fordraf 14. 16, forgrap 5. 26, aethran 
10. ii, gehran 5. 13, aras I 4. 6, aras 4. 39, astag 19. 4, 
besuac 19. 8, aurat I 2. 6 ; in the pret. pres. wat 16. 15, 
aga 18. 1 8, ah 18. 12. Other examples: agnageS 12. 15, 
an 23. 29, ana 8. 50, adlo 21. n, ar I 4. 13, a3 1. 73, bano 
24. 39, basnung 21. 26, feasnend 23. 35, cildclaSum 2. 12, 
facen 20. 23, famse 9. 39, gastes 4. 14, grapaS 24. 39, hal 
8. 30, ham 15. 6, hat I 11. 14, gehaten I 3. 13, hlaf 4. 3, 
hlaferd 16. 8, lar 4. 32, forelatuu 22. 26, la 21. 17, laa 



14 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 



. 15, gelahte 9. 47, mara 12. 28, rahton 22. 53, sado 
21. 35, sawel 12. 29, stanes 22. 41, suat 22. 24, tahte 1 2. 14, 
tanas 23. 34, tacon 2. 12, $a 19. 34, "Sara 13. 31, wag (hrsel) 
23. 45, wra$ 14. 21. 

agnettum 19. 23 may belong here (Lind. 2 75, anm. i). 

For the a in geneolacaS 10. n, -laceS 21. 28, cf. 
57, II. 

According to S. 57, 2 (a) ; 62, anm. ; Kal. 59, anm. ; 
60 a ; the following also belong here : oncnawanne 1 7. 20, 
oncnawen 8. 17, saweft 8. 5, sawenne 8. 5, gesaudes 19. 22. 
Others consider this a=WG. a ( 6) : cf. EB. 129 ; Braune, 
Got. Gr. 22; Lea 40; Fii. 6; Fo. 6; also KL, PG., 

PP- 432, 407- 

In a few words 6 appears instead of a : noht 5. 5, 10. 19, 
&c., no 20. 22, ohtrippe 10. 2 (?). 

e for a occurs in we 11. 47 ; ge in wse 10. 13, 11. 42, &c. 
(Lea 43, 5); the word is classed with the Scand. loan- 
words in KL, PG., p. 935 ; Bjorkman, p. 39, considers it 
' dubiously Scandinavian.' 

Loan-words : caseras 1 3. 13, caseres 20. 24, caseri 20. 22, 
casering I 8. 16 (besides cseseres I 10. 8, csesering 18. 16, 
Pog. 199 ; also cessares 2. i, cf. 27). In magist' 6. 40, a 
corresponds to Lat. a, cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 12 ; EB. 101, 
anm. 3. 

For sacerd, sacerdhad, cf. i, 

a is affected by i-umlaut, 27. 



ail. 



12. WG. au is represented in L. by ea, in some cases 
by eo ; for this confusion between ea and eo in North, 
cf. S. 150, 3 ; EB. 1 08. 

ea occurs in the i and 3 sing. pret. ind. of st. vbs. Cl. II : 
bead I 10. 19, geceas 6. 13, geceasa 14. 7, forleas 15. 9, 
tosceaf 1. 52 ; also in beam 6.41, beanbselgum 15. 16, bear 
1. 15, biobread 1 11. 14, ceapigas 19. 13, dead 7. 12, deado 



DIPHTHONGS 15 

20. 31, deafo 7. 22, dea$ 2. 26, eadig I 7. 7, eare 12. 3, 
earum 4. 21, earlippricco 22. 50, eastres 2. 41, eastdsel 
2. i (four times), ea$e 12. 58, eaftor 5. 23, eauaft 3. 7, 
sedeaude 2. 15, eawung 8. 17, heafod 7. 46, heape 20. 37, 
geleafa 8. 48, hleafgewritten 16. 6, leas 18. 20, Sorleaso 
17. 10, reado 6. 44, fellereade 16. 19, sceauade 20. 23, 
sceawandum 6. 10, sceawanne 23. 48, screadungum 16. 21 
(besides scraedungra 9. 17, a scribal error), seam 22. 36, 
smeawungas 11. 17, gesmeadon 20. 14, stream 6. 48, tean- 
cuidum 20. n, 'SreataiS I 6. 8, $read 6. 19 ; and in 
heannise 12. 29, heannissum 2. 4, where h has fallen 
before causing pal. uml. (S. 165, anm. 3 ; Biilb., Angl. 
Beibl. 9. 107 ; Lind. 2 32 ; cf. also 35). 

Forms with eo : geceopad 19. 15, eoro I 8. 15 (once with 
eo, five times with ea), eostro 22. i (nine times with eo, 
once with ea, cf. also Lind. 2 34), eoiSe 14. 8, heonisum 
I 4. i, bereofadon 10. 30, gespeoftad 18. 32 (the origin of 
this word is, however, uncertain whether from WG. au 
or eu cf. S. 384, anm. 5 ; 396, 2 a, and anm. 5 ; Ags. Voc., 
p. 30; Fo. 12). 

Ceaolas 9. 17 should probably be classed under "WG. 
au. For a discussion of its origin, cf. Lea 40 ; Lind. 2 32, 
anm. 2 ; for the o, cf. 61, II, note 2. 

OE. ea is limited in its occurrence by : 

(1) change to e through i-umlaut, 28 ; 

(2) change to e through palatal umlaut, 35. 

eu, in. 

13. WG. eu appears as eo, ea, and in one instance 10 
(S. 150, anm. i ; EB. 114 and anm. i ; Lind. 2 37, 38). 

I. eo: breost 18. 13, breosto 11. 27, cneoum 22. 41 
(cneuum 5. 8, 48), cneoreso 9. 41, 11. 29 (eo sixteen 
times), feortig I 4. 10 (eo five times), hreownise I 4. 7 
(eo fifteen times), leof 9. 35, leof 20. 13, leofost 3. 22, 
oferleor 22. 42 (cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 34), treo 21. 29 (trewana 
48), treoufsest 19. 17, treofsesto 16. n, getreoudon 18. 9, 



16 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

geSeodo 21. 24, ellfteodigde 15. 13 (besides the forms with 
io, cf. II, below). 

ea: forbeadende 23. 2, forbeada 6. 29, forbeadas 9. 50, 
forbeadane 16. u, bead 16. 21, fearfald 19. 8, hreaunise 
3. 8, gehreawsadon 10. 13 (besides gehreues 17. 4, hraa- 
wende I 9. 4, cf. 47), hreaf 14. 19, hreafo 4. 27, hreade 

7. 24, seats 14. 5, seafte 6. 39, leaf 3. 22, fteade I 2. 6, $ea$ 
I 2. 6, -Seadum I. 6. 14, iSeadom 1 10. 16, "Seaf 12. 33, bear 
1. 15, gebearscip I 5. 2. 

ea is found also in seado 12. 23, where it is from WGr. 
iftij, cf. Got. siujan (Fii. 13). For gespeoftad, cf. 12. 

10 : bebiodo 23. 46. 

The preterites of the following red. verbs with ea, eo 
may be classed here, though strictly products of con- 
traction originally : oncneaun 2. 50, ondrearde 18. 2, feall 

8. 5, feoll 5. 12, gefeoll 1. 12, gefeald 4. 20, feol 5. 8, 
geheald 18. 21. 

For eode, eade, cf. 53. 

II. Gmc. eu followed by i, j, became in WGr. iu, and 
this in North, appears as 10 (EB. no, in, 113). 

The examples in Luke are : diorwyrSe 7. 25, lioda 8. 26", 
lioda 17. n, gelioreS 21. 32 (cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 34), 
geliorade I 2. 4, geliorad 21. 33, geliornises 9. 51, ofer- 
lioraft 21. 23, onsione 9. 29, onsion 24. 5, stiorde I 5. 19, 
gestiorde I 5. 19, gestrionaft 12. 21, ellSiodig 17. 18 
(besides ellSeodigde, cf. 13, I), ge^iodsumnise I 8. i, 
Siofonto 18. 20, ftiostrana 22. 53, Siostriona 11. 36. 

For the io in hiogwuisc 12. 39, hiorodes 2, 13, where 
it is due to the vocalizing of w, cf. 61, II. 

For hriofol 5. 15, hriofle 5. 12, cf. 29. 

eo, Io are changed to e, i by palatal umlaut, 36, 38. 

ei, ai. 

14. For the special North, diphthongs ei and ai, cf. 
S. 155, 3 ; EB. 505 and anm. i, 2. The examples in Luke 
are ei : ceige$ 20. 24, ceigde 8. 8, and all forms of the 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 17 

verb ceiga; ceiste 7. 14, heiste 1. 32, heisto 1. 35, heigsta 
I 11. 17 (cf. also 76), seista 1. 26, 36, teig^as 11. 44, 
teig^uncgas 18. 12, fifterSo 1 4. 6, nfteifte 3. i, fifteih 7. 41, 
sexdeih 24. 13. ai : fraignende 16. 19, gefraignas 19. 31, 
gefraign 8. 30, cnaihtes 18. 16 (Fti. 14). 



CHAPTER IV. CHANGES IN ACCENTED VOWELS THROUGH 
THE INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 

Influence of Nasals. 

WG. a. 

15. I. WG-. a before nasals appears almost entirely 
as 9. 

Before m and m + cons. : from 22. 16 (besides fram 
12. 54), huommes 20. 17, lichomes 11. 34, lombro 10. 3, 
noma 10. 20, somnaS 3. 17, somnunges 8. 41, womb 11. 27. 

Before n and n + cons. : conn 1. 34, fonn 3. 17, hona 
22. 34, hond 1. 71, lond 12. 16, monigo 7. n, mon 
6. 45, ondo 14. 1 8 ; ond- in ondeton 10. 21, ondetnise 
16. 17, ondetung 14. 17, ondget 24. 45, &c. ; stondafc 
9. 27, fone 1. 59 (besides Sene 9. 35, Ssene 4. 27), ftonne 
3. 13, on 21. 31 ; on- in onsaecne 14. 18, onwseld 22. 25, 
onwriting I 10. 8, &c. ; wona 11. 41, huona 13. 15, &c. 

Before a guttural nasal : hongende 1 11. 18, long 20. 47, 
gemong 23. 56, song 15. 25, strong 15. 14, iSonc 6. 32, 
Suongas 3. 16, wlonc 12. ai, nercsnawong 23. 43. 

The vowel is retained in its original form in the second 
stem of st. vbs. Cl. Ill : geband 10. 34, unband I 9. 20, 
blann 7. 45, gedranc 5. 39, fand 7. 9, ingann 24. 27, agann 
11. 38, gelamp 8. 42, gearn I 11. 9 (with metathesis), 
gesang 22. 60, bewand 2. 7. The o appears in conn, cf. 
above. 

For the a in am 1. 19, cf. S. 43, anm. a ; Fii. 15 ; Sweet, 
HES. 442. 

c 



18 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

Loan-words : gecomp 22. 44, (heafod)ponna 23. 33, ofer- 
plontiaft 17. 6, geplontad 13. 6. a remains in angel 
1. 2,6 (five times, otherwise with i-umlaut, 22, III), 
carnal 18. 25. 

II. This 9 was lengthened to 6 on the falling out of 
the nasal before a voiceless spirant ( 66, II): ofter 22. 32, 
soft 1. i, toSana 13. 28. 

III. Before rj the change from a to nasalized a took 
place in Gmc. on the falling out of the nasal; this a 
appears always as 6 : brohte 14. 20, gebroht 15. 1 1 , ge- 
Sohte 1. 29, dohton 9. 45, -Soht 1. 51, woh 3. 5, wohfull 
19. 22, ahoh 23. 21, ahoen 23. 23, onfoaS 11. 10, &c. (cf. 
also 53). For the possible shortening in brohte, geSohte, 
&c., cf. S. 125. 

WG. a. 

16. WG. a ( = Gmc. ie, North, e) before a nasal becomes 
o : cuome 4. 34, cuomon 22. 52, mona 21. 25, mone'S 1. 36, 
nomon 11. 52, sona 1. 64. 

In the second stem of the verbs cuma and nima, instead 
of o, we have 6: cuom 5. 32, cwom 19. 10, fornom 8. 29, 
ofgenom I 2. 17 (S. 390). 

huon 12. 48, huonum I 7. 19, &c., may belong here (Lea 

48 ; Fii. 15, 4 ; Lind. 2 45 ; Fo. 15, IV). 
This o is subject to i-umlaut, 25. 

WG. e. 

17. WG. e becomes i before m : nimeS 13. 33, for- 
nimeiS 9. 54, niming I 5. 3. The u in nummanne 1. 25 
is on the analogy of the pret. part, numen. 

This i is subject to u/o-umlaut, 32 (6), (c). 

WG. o. 

18. WG. o before simple nasals becomes u (S. 70) : 
cuma 18. i6 } cuummanne 13. 45, fruma 1 2. 12, (bryd)guma 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 19 

5. 34, summer 21. 30, huniges 24. 42 (for wyniges, cf. 
34), Suneri I 9. 10, wuna 24. 29, gewunade 1. 56, geuna 
4. 1 6, wyrtruma 8. 13. 

This u is subject to i-umlaut, 24. 



Breaking. 

19. Before r + cons. 

I. a before r + cons. is broken to ea: gecearf I 9. 16, 
ofcearf 9. 9, olebearua 22. 39, olebearu 21. 37 (S. 103, 
anm. i), geearnadon I 9. 3, earnas 17. 37, gearuu 12. 40, 
gearo 22. 33, gearwiga 1. 76, heard 19. 3, nearo 13. 24 
(in such forms the breaking is brought over from cases 
where the w is not vocalized, S. 103, anm. i, cf. also 
61, III), scearflice I 9. 4, inweard 11. 39, utteweard 

11. 39, geonduearde 14. 6 (for forms with wa-, wae-, cf. 
46 ; wo-, 57, 1). geruaiS I 11. 2 is probably a scribal 
error for gearuaft (but cf. Lind. 2 48, anm. i). 

a occurs without breaking in arme 1. 51, armum 2. 28, 
arfc 4. 34 (where it is probably due to the lightness of the 
accent, cf. Sweet, HES. 442 ; Lea 13, 3 ; Fii. 16, i ; EB. 
454), barm 6. 38, barme 16. 22, darr 20. 40, harmcuoedum 

6. 28, naronefte I 8. 6, ftarfe 21. 3, ftarflic I 3. 7, nedSarf 

1 2. 8 (besides forms with SB : "Saerfe 16. 20, Sserfl icra I 7. 1 9 ; 
cf. Lea ii, 4; and with o: Sorfe I 9. 3, &c., with the 
vowel taken over from the pret.). 

Other words with 89 before r -f cons, are : dserst (sb.) 
12. i, dsersto I 8. 16, dserstum 3. 7, 12, daerstana 22. i, 7, 
gedsersted 13. 21 (which may be due to i-umlaut, Lind. 2 
64, a), biwserlas 11. 42, biwserlde 10. 31, ymbwaerlde 

7. 9 (Fuchsel's explanation of this difficult word will be 
found in Fii. 16, i ; cf. also Lind. 2 65). 

Breaking is omitted before the r-combinations resulting 
from metathesis in gsers 12. 28, arn 15. 20 (S. 79, anm. 2 ; 
Kal. 57, anm. 13) ; Biilbring on the contrary considers 
metathesis as earlier than breaking in Anglian EB. 132, 

c 2 



20 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

anm. ; Angl. Beibl. 9. 97. For examples of breaking before 
an r-combination arising from metathesis, cf. below, III. 
Breaking is omitted in the loan-words carr 6. 48 (Kl., 
PGr., p. 929), carcern (besides csercherne, 34). 

II. The breaking of e before r + cons. appears as eo 
and ea. 

eo : eorSe 21. 23, eorSes 4. 5 (eo twenty- four times in 
this word), georne 1. 3, 15. 8, geornfull 10. 41, geornfullo 
12. 26, 12. 22, geornlice 7. 43, heorta 12. 34, heortes 1. 51 
(eo ten times, in compounds nine times), leornas 10. 26, 
geleornadon 6. 3. 

ea : cearfas 19. 27, ofercearfa 8. 22, ymbcearfanne 1. 59, 
earSes 12. 56 (ea only once), fearr 7. 6, fearra 15. 20, 
fearrade 1. 38, &c. (always with ea), gearnfull 19. 22, 
gearnfulle 12. n, hearta 12. 34 (ea eleven times, three 
times in compounds), meard 6. 35, mearde 10. 7, I 11. 2. 

For the a, s& in farma, faerma, cf. 46. 

III. i is broken to io in giornde 18. 35, giorndon 5. i, 
giornanne 16. 3, giornise 11. 8, hiordo 14. i, hiorda 2. 15, 
hriord 14. 12, hriordege 17. 8, hriordanne 15. 32, gehriorda 
11. 38, gehriordage 12. 37. 

For the preservation in North, of the differentiation 
between eo and io cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 26 ff. ; Biilb. 140. 

i remains unbroken in firr 24. 28, firrfara 7. 6, smiri- 
niso 23. 26, smiride 4. 18 (EB. 187, anm.; Eng. Stud. 
27. 85). 

Breaking has followed metathesis in iorna'S 14. 31, 
iorne$ 22. io, iornende I 2. 7, iornendes 22. 44. In the 
same connection should be mentioned beornendo 17. 17, 
beorning 1. n, with the exceptional diphthong eo (Biilb., 
Angl. Beibl. 9. 97, EB. 132, anm. ; S., Ags. Voc., p. 35). 

In the following, metathesis has been later than the 
breaking period : birdas 2. 24, ftirde 13. 32, ftirddam 
24. 7, &c. 

20. Before 1 + cons. 

I. a in this position is unbroken : aid 1. 18, aldor 11. 15, 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 21 

all 2. i, aline 9. 25, &c., cualmum 7. 21, monigfald 6. 17, 
fearfald 19. 8, failed 11. 17, gefalla 16. 17, haldas 8. 15, 
haldond I 6. 13, half 19. 8, halm 3. 17, halsado 19. 20, 
halto 7. 22, saldon 2. 24, saldes 19. 23, eftgesald 14. 14, 
salt 18. 15. 

For sealla, &c., cf. 31 (c). 

feallo I 8. 3 (sb.) is puzzling, but cf. 22, V ; 30, note. 

Loan-words: psalme I 10. n, salma 20. 42, salmas 
24. 244, assald 13. 15, assaldes 19. 30 (Lea 12, 96). 

II. Breaking of e before 1 + cons. is found only in 
seolf 11. 17, seolf 11. 46, seolfe 10. 27 (Dieter, 2. 773, 
explains these forms as analogous to those in which there 
was an inflectional guttural vowel causing u-, o/a-umlaut). 

21. Before h. 

In this position breaking has usually been simplified 
through the so-called palatal umlaut ( 33 ff. ; S. 158, 3 ; 
EB. 133). There are to be found a few instances, however, 
where h has disappeared early between a vowel and a 
voiced consonant (cf. 76, II), causing breaking but not 
simplification of the vowel: geneolecaft 21. 20, geneolecton 
8. 24 (S. 165, anm. 3 ; EB. 146, b ; Fii. 16, 3 ; but cf. also 
Bulb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 107). 

Loan-words : getrahtade I 3. 2, oftrahtung 18. 10. 



Umlaut. 

The i-uuilaut. 

WG. a. 

22. I (a). The i-umlaut of "WG. a before an orig. 
simple cons, is regularly e: bed 5. 18, ber(ern) 12. 24, 
bereflor 3. 17, betra 5. 30, egisa 21. 26, eliSiodig 17. 18, 
elne 12. 25, eriende 17. 7, feder 15. 18, ferende 7. 12, 
ahefes 6. 45, ahefen 10. 15, hefig 11. 17, helle 10. 15, 
herende I 9. 6, hergas 9. 12, meric 11. 42 (but cf. Lind. 2 
63, anm. 2), mett 12. 23, nett 5. 6, arecganne 1 3. 7, sceSde 



22 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

4. 35, selles 22. 48 (besides sileS I 6. 14, 51 ; and 
the forms with ea: sealla, &c., 31), selenes I 3. 4, 
sete 18. 12, settende I 3. 8, getelles 14. 28, awecce 3. 8, 
aueccende I 6. i. "With the umlaut brought in ana- 
logically are: aweht I 5. n, awehton 9. 32, settes 19. 21 
(S. 407). 
se occurs in faedir (ds.) 22. 11. 

Note. The verb willa presents some puzzling forms in No 
besides the regular forms with i ( 3), are those with a ( 3) ; with & : 
waelle (i sing, ind.) 13. 20, wsBllo (i sing, ind.) 20. 3, wselle (opt.) 
9. 24, waella^ 12. 29, neella^ 6. 37 ; with e : welle (opt.) 22. 42 (cf. also 
3, II (b)), nelle 14. 12. The forms in se and e might perhaps be 
accounted for by assuming a present stem *walja-, in which case 
e would be the regular umlaut-vowel (for the umlaut of a before 
11 due to WG. gemination, cf. EB. 179, anm. 2) ; SB might then be due 
to the same w-influence as in wses for wes (41). 

Loan-words: plaecum 10. 10 (Latin, platea) ; without 
umlaut : latinum 23. 38. 

(b) "WG. a before a cons, group + i appears partly as ae, 
partly as e (S. 89, 2 ; EB. 169 and anm.). 

83: faesto 18. 12, faesta 5. 33, gehseftendum 4. 18, hraesta 
13. 29, aeftaras 246. 

e: eft 24. 2, eftcerr I 8. 18 and other compounds with 
eft- (except aeftaras, cf. above), esne 16. 13, gesthus 2. 7, 
gest(ern) 22. n, hnescum 7. 25, nestaS 12. 27, nestum 
3. 14 (stipendium). 

Loan-words : secced 23. 3, mseslenno 21. 2, selmisso I 7. 
16 (Fo. i, IV). 

(c) Sometimes WG. a appears as ae in certain words in 
which an i or j followed the original guttural vowel of 
the middle syllable (S. 50, anm. 2 ; 100, anm. 4 ; Ags. 
Voc., p. 21 ; EB. 174). Examples: hlsetmest I 8. 7, fgsst'n 

1 5. 2, setgsedre 23. 18. The pres. part, and infin. of st. vbs. 
01. VI, Sievers (50, anm. 2) notes as exceptions to this rule 
in WS., but L. always has SQ in this position. Examples : 
infserende 8. 16, befaerende 18. 36, faerende 14. 4, fseranne 

16. 3, sseccanne 4. 18, sasccenne I. 9. 9, on-saeccende I 8. 8. 




INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 23 

Analogical influences, however, so strongly favour SB in 
these words that they are perhaps without significance 
here. 

(d) The umlaut of a analogically replacing SB is SB 
(S. 89, 3; Ags. Voc., pp. 2i,ff. ; EB. 177). Examples: 
ssecgaS 24. 17, ssecgas 7. 22, eftssecga 9. 61 ; 2 and 3 sing, of 
st. vbs. 01. VI : fssres 16. 30, onsssccest 22. 34, hlssheft 6. 21, 
hlsehas 6. 25 (EB. 177) ; pret. parts, oncsscen 12. 9, geslssgen 
22. 7, ofslsegen 9. 22 (S., Ags. Voc., p. 24; Gr. 378, anm. 
i) ; awsecce 20. 28, fterhwssccende 6. 12, wseccas 21. 36, 
wssca 12. 39, gemsscca 20. 36, gasfel I 10. 8, gsefelo 23. 2 
(S., Ags. Voc., p. 23 ; for geafel, cf. 50 ; S., Ags. Voc., 
pp. 18, 19), mssgden 8. 54 (S., Ags. Voc., pp. 21, 23), mssgen 
5. 17, mssgnes 22. 69 (S., Ags. Voc., p. 23, and note; but 
cf. EB. 91 ; Fo. i, II). 

Loan-words : ftsBccilla 11. 30, csslc 22. 20, csslic 22. 20, 
csslce 22. 17 (EB. 178); besides the unumlauted forms 
calices 11. 39, calic 22. 42). 

II. WG. a before a nasal (9) has as its umlaut e : bend 
13. 16, brengas 8. 15, breng 5. 14, accennes 1. 3i,accenned 

13. 13, dene 3. 5, gedrencgad 10. 15, ende 1. 33, endung 
I. 2. 15, feng I 4. 17, ondfenges 9. 51, welfremmende 

22. 25, frenrSe 24. 18, bigengum 20. 10, foreglendra I 4. 
15, leng 12. 25, lengre 24. 28, gemengde 13. i, menigo 

23. 8, menn I 9. 10, ricemenn 7. 41, mennisces I 2. 16, 
nemne'S I 5. 6, penning 20. 24, hrendas 13. 7, tosende 
I 3. i, scending 11. 8, scendla 11. 8, gescendes 12. 33, 
stenco 24. i, forestemdon 11. 52, gestrencssd 1. 80, gete- 
mesed 6. 4, Sencende I 7. 10, geftencse I 7. 13, Senegal 

14. 31, a-Sen 6. 10, a-Senede 5. 13. 

Loan-words: embihtes 1. 23, embihta 17. 8, cempo 
3. 14, cemp 23. 36, engel 13. 13, engelica I 11. 8. 

III. WG. a before r-combinations + i appears as e; 
since a is regularly broken to ea in this position, we 
have here i-umlaut of ea, cf. e as the i-umlaut of ea 
( 28). Examples: gecerreft 1. 16, eftgecerred I 3. 16, 



24 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

eftcerrdon 23. 48, erfe 12. 13, erfward 20. 14, ermingum 
4. 1 8, gerd 7. 24, gere 18. 24, gegerelo 24. 4, huerf 6. 34, 
gemerras 13. 7, geemerredo I 2. n. -ern in gestern 22. 
n, berern 12. 24; and berneiS 15. 8, aberned 12. 49, 
belong here if, according to Biilbring (EB. 180, anm. i), 
metathesis is older than breaking in Anglian. 

IV. i-umlaut of a broken to ea before h appears as e 
in: ehras 6. i, tehrum 7. 44 (EB. i8o,b; for taeherum 
7. 38, cf. 34, tearum 7. 44, 53, 1). 

V. WG. a before 1-combinations + i appears as SB: 
seldesto 22. 52, saldestum 9. 22, seldwut 11. 37, seldo 
11. 39 (besides aldo 5. 17), hseldo 1. 36,8eldra 15. 25 (forms 
with a are frequent and are on the analogy of aldor 
without i-umlaut), beanbselgum 15. 16, fsell (sb.) 6. 49 
(cf. EB. 179, anm. 2), faelles 8. 10, gefselnise 2. 34, ahseldon 
24. 5, onwaelde 20. 20, onwseld 19. 17, from awselted 24. 2. 
Gefaelled for gefallen is on the analogy of the pret. parts, 
of weak vbs. Cl. I. 

feallo I 8. 3 is probably a scribal error for faello 
(= faallo, cf. gefaello Mark 15. 7 ; but cf. also 30, note). 

Before the secondary combination Ic, se appears in: 
huaalc 9. 46 (forms with 83 fifteen times in this word), 
suaalce 18. n, suaalc 11. 44; e in huelc 7. 42 (with e 
twenty-seven times) for the forms with oe, cf. 42, as 
also for those with aa. 

Loan-words: felle I 9. 2, fellereade 16. 19 (Fii. 17, i). 

Umlaut of o, 

23. This umlaut is extremely rare, since in Gmc. u 
did not become o if followed by i, j, except when o was 
brought in analogically in place of u (S. 43, 3 ; and 93, 
anm. ; EB. 164, anm. i). The umlaut of this o is oe in 
doehter (dat.) 12. 53 ; e in merne 13. 32, 18. 33 ; Lind. 2 
(69, anm.) considers this e as the umlaut of "WG. a, but 
cf. the unumlauted form tomorgen 12. 28 (S. 93). 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 25 

In the compound oefeste 1. 39, oefesta 19. 5, oefistade 
19. 6, oefistlice 8. 33, ce is the umlaut of o<a (cf. i, 
HI ; 57, V). 

Loan-words : oeles 16. 6, oele 10. 34, oelefast 7. 37, oele- 
bearuu 19. 29 (besides the unumlauted olebearua 22. 39, 
olebearu 21. 37). 

Celmert(menn) 15. 17 is doubtful (Lea 13, note; Lind. 2 
63, anm. 2). 

Umlaut of u. 

24. The umlaut of u of whatever origin is y. 
Examples : bygeft 22. 36, bycgendo I 9. 45, byrgaft 9. 59, 
gebyre 15. 12, byrig 4. 23, cnylsiga 13. 25, cymes 23. 42, 
gecyme 22. 18 (analogically in the i sing, cymo 19. 13, and 
pi. cymaft 5. 35, &c.), cryple 5. 24, cynn 21. 10, cynig 9. 7, 
cyssende 15. 20, gecyste 7. 38, gedrysnade 24. 31, fylges 
9. 49, fylgo 9. 27, gefylle 15. 16, afyrhtad 12. 4, fyrhtnisso 
21. u, gegyrdeS 12. 37, foregyrd 17. 8, ymbhyrft 2. i, 
forhycganne 11. 42, oferhygdego 1. 51, hyhtade 23. 8, 
hyll 3. 5, hyngrendo 6. 25, gehyncres 6. 21, gehyrston 
15. 2, lycedon 15. i, lyf I 10. 12, gemynd 17. 18, scyld 
18. 19, scyniga 17. 12, gescryncan I 8. 4 (cf. 55, II, but 
note also 52 (g)) 5 smyltnise 8. 24, snyttro 11. 49, spyrda 
24. 13, ondspyrnende I 9. 4, stryndum 22. 30, gestyldon 
8. 56, gestyrige 6. 48, syndria 9. 10, synno I 9. 14, getry- 
made I 6. 13 (besides the unumlauted form getrumade, 
5), forSryga 11. 53, geSyld I 10. 14, $rymm 9. 26, 
ftyncge 10. 36, wyniges 1 11. 4 (besides huniges 24. 42 ; for 
w in place of h, v. 61, I, note), wyrca 9. 24, wyrcendo 
13. 27, wyrp 22. 41, wuyrso 11. 26 (v. also 47), wyrt 11. 
42, unwyrSe I 4. 7, wyrSo 23. 41 (cf. also 47), yfel 6. 45, 
ymb 10. 40, geypped 12. 2. 

The y of stydd 10. i, dyde 1. 25, dydon 5. 6, &c., belongs 
here, whatever the origin of the umlauted u (for the 
different theories, cf. S., Beitr. 16, pp. 235, 6, and Kl., 
PG., p. 402). 



26 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

ui appears for y in geftuild 18. 17 ; uy in suyndriga 
I 3. 7 ; wy in wyflo 16. 25 ; i in ymbhuirfte 21. 26, ymb- 
huirftes 4. 5. 

i instead of y is always found in drihten 1. 28, &c. 
(Biilb.jAngl.Beibl. 9. 70; EB. 307,0; Lind. 2 7 2, anm., where 
it is attributed to the influence of the following palatal), 
bisen I 5. 4, bisseno I 8. 5 (Lind. 2 72, anm. i, thinks this 
may be "WG. i). 

e for y occurs in (ende)brednise 12. 8, 1. 3, &c. 
(= WS. onbryrdnis, cf. S. 180; Zeuner 30; Lea 27, 2; 
Fii. 17, III). 

Loan-words: cyrtel 22. 36, cyrtlas 3. n, byto 5. 37, 
byttum 5. 37, 38. 

Umlaut of 6. 

25. I. The umlaut of WG. 6 is de : bloedsas 6. 28, 
boec 20. 42, boege 1. 7, boego 1. 6, boeton 10. 13, doeg 
14. 5, doege 1. 20, doema 13. 18, doemend 22. 30, droefad 
1. 29, foereld 1. 36, foedanne 18. 12, foerum 5. 7, foerano 
14. 1 8, gefoero 5. 10, foet 24. 39, foeta 7. 45, froefernise 
6. 24, sefgroefa 12. 58, groene 23. 31, greeting 1. 41, 
gegroeta 8. 28, eorShroernisso 21. n, hroeftnise 8. 24, 
moeder 12. 53, moederes I 5. 4, gemoetest 1. 30, oeftel 

14. 13, geroefa 23. 4, roeSo 3. 5, scoeum 22. 35, scoeas 

15. 22 (forms with oe: sceowum, sceoea, &c., cf. 52), 
soeca 22. 23, soec 9. 59, woede 11. 7, woepe 7. 13, woestig 
9. 12, woesta 13. 29. 

roecels 1. 9 appears to belong here ; the forms with e, 
recels, &c., are classed with the i-umlaut of ea in Fu. 17, 
VII; Lind. 2 76; Fo. 17, VII. 

For twoege, twoentigum, &c., cf. 43. 

e appears as the umlaut of 6 in suueti 24. i, west'n 
3. 2 ; se in wsest'n 13. 17, wsest' 5. 16 ; oeo, due probably 
to a scribal error, in doeomo 19. 22. 

II. ce is also the umlaut of 6 from WG. a before nasals 
( 16) : cuoen I 7. 8, portcuoen 7. 37, woen 20. 13, woenes 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 27 

1. 66, woende 3. 35; of 6 from Gmc. arj and from an 
before voiceless spirants (15, II and III) : oehtad 11. 49, 
oehtnise I 4. 6, smoeftum 3. 5. 

Umlaut of u. 

26. The umlaut of u is y : bryd(loppum) 17. 27, 
bryd(gum) I 5. 2, bya 10. 25, gebydon 11. 26, nehebyrildas 

15. 9, drygi 23. 31 (besides drugi 1 5. 4), fyr 9. 45, gehydeS 
13. 21, ryne I 3. 3, geryno I 11. 2, intynde 3. 20, untyn 

13. 25, lytel 12. 32, &c. (S., Beit. 10. 504). 

y is likewise the umlaut of u lengthened to u after the 
falling out of the nasal before a voiceless spirant ( 5 ; 
66, II) : cyiSfto 1. 61, cydde 17. n, cySnise 22. 20, ySana 
21. 25. 

ftyrl 18. 25 shows secondary lengthening (EB. 529 ; 
S. 218, i ; <*J?yrhil). 

i 

Umlaut of WGr. ai, OB. a. 

27. The umlaut of WG. ai, OE. a, is regularly se : 
se 16. 16, selc 11. 42, aes I 2. 10, seghuoelcum I 2. 9 (besides 
eg-, cf. below), sefra 13. n, senig 8. 51, ser 2. 26, serist 

14. 28, seterna 3. 7, bsem 7. 42, oferbrsedde 9. 34, csego 11. 
52, clsen 8. 10, clsensunge 5. 14, dsel I 1. i, dselde 15. 12, 
gedsela 12. 13, forgseldon I 3. 8, hselo 19. 8, hselend 2. 
u, &c., haeses 3. i, haesere 9. 49, hseftin 17. 16, (dsegjhusem 

16. 19, hwsem 12. 13, husete 3. 17, huaetes 12. 42, Isede 
I 8. 20, tolasda 18. 40, gehlaefde 9. 17, oferhlaefe 11. 41, 
laeres 20. 21, Iserend 13. 20, Iseftdon 1. 71, laes 12. 58 
(besides leasa, &c. ; cf. 30, note), msendon 8. 52, mserum 
14. 21, rsece3 11. 12, hrses 8. 23 (Zeuner 14; Lea 42; 
Bjorkman, p. 96 and notes; Fo. 17 ; but Cos. 57 classes 
the word under "WG. a = Gmc. se), SSBS I 5. i (cf. 53, 
IV), stsenaft 13. 34, tsecnaft I 8. 3, tuaem 9. 16, J?8em 24. i, 
$er 11. 32, -Ssere 1. 27, wrse'S^o 21. 23 (besides wrafte 3. 7, 
wrafto 4. 28), sellefno 24. 33 (with shortening, EB. 337 ; 
Lind. 2 75). 



28 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

The e in eghwelc 2. 23, eghuer 9. 6, eglnmonan 19. 43, 
egiSer 5. 38, elcur 5. 36, is explained as due to the following 
palatal in EB. 167, anm. ; e appears also in iSem (ds.) 14. 
23 ; e in enne 15. 4 (together with shortening, S. 324 ; 
EB. 170, anm. ; 337), (geneo)leca3 21. 20 (the shortening 
and weakening of e being due here to the weak accent 
of the second member of the compound, cf. EB. 427, b, 
besides geneolaceft 21. 28, cf. 57, II). 

688 occurs in ftesem I 9. 4. 

Loan-words: cseseres I 10. 8 (besides caseres 20. 24), 
csesering I 8. 16, "Srsel 12. 43 (Kl., NStB. 18; Bjorkman, 
p. 39). e occurs in cessares 2. i. 

Umlaut of WG-. au, OE. ea. 

28. OE. ea. from WG. au, has as its umlaut e : gebega 

V ' 

9. 58, ceping I 5. 3, degla 8. 17, indepe 16. 24, gede^ed 
23. 32, geece I 9 5, togeecde 19. n (Cos. 12 ; Kal. 6i,c ; 
Fo. 17, VIII), eSnise I 9. 6, eftmodo 1. 52, gemnise 10. 34, 
henes 10. 16, ahened 21. 24, gehena 23. 2, hero 15. 29, 
gelefanne 24. 25, gelefde I 5. 20, gelefen 14. 19, hlega 
6. 1 6, legere 6. 42, legeS 11. 36, legeftslseht 10. 18, lesing 

I. 68, nedon 24. 29, gened 14. 23, netne 10. 34, semaS 

II. 46. 

gesene 10. 31 belongs here if it is <*sa(g)wnia (Fii. 
17, VII ; Lind. 2 76 ; but cf. also S. 222, 2 ; Lea 60). 

breting 24. 35 may belong here or to 6 (cf. Lind. 2 
76, anm.). 

For e before a palatal vowel, ei is always found in the 
verb ceiga: ceigeS I 5. 7, ceiganne 5. 32, ceigd 8. 8, &c. 
(cf. 14). 

Umlaut of WG-. eu, iu. 

29. As Gmc. eu when followed by i, j, became in WG. 
iu, and this in North, became io, while Gmc. eu not 
followed by i, j, >~WG. eu, North, eo (ea), we cannot con- 
sider North, io as the OE, umlaut of eo (for examples, 
cf. 13, II). 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 29 

A possible exception is found in hriofol 5. 15, hriofle 
5. 12, which S., Ags. Voc., p. 31, gives as <*hreufuli. 

The u-, o/a-umlaut. 

30. For the general treatment of the u-, o/a-umlaut, 
cf. S. 101-107 ; 160 (i), (2), (3) ; EB. 226-229. It affects 
the vowels e and i in North., and usually takes effect 
only over a simple consonant, though in some cases it 
occurs before double consonants or nd (EB. 244, 246, 247, 
249). It is caused by the vowel either of a derivative or 
of an inflectional syllable, being less uniformly carried 
out in the latter case owing to the analogy of unumlauted 
forms. 

Note. While u-, o/a-umlaut does not affect a in North., there are 
a few instances where it apparently affects & : the ea instead of se in 
leasa 7. 28, leasan 9. 48, leasssest 12. 26, is explained as due to 
shortening and o/a-umlaut in EB. 336, 246 ; in gegeadred I 4. 10, 
setgeadre 7. 49, &c. ; Biilbring (Angl. Beibl. 9. 76 ff . ; EB. 251) 
considers ea to be due to o/a-umlaut acting upon analogical & ; but 
cf. 50. In the same way, feallo I 8. 3 may be caused by o/a-umlaut 
acting after the i-umlaut (cf. faell 22, V). But as this is the only 
instance of the diphthong in this word, it is more probably due to 
a scribal error (cf. 22, V). 

ondsuearum 2. 47 I cannot explain, except as u-umlaut of se standing 
for a (cf. ondsuserum 20. 26, I, II (a)). 

The u-, o/a-umlaut of se, working over st appears in gefeast' 12. 48 
(EB. 250, 251), and possibly in feastern I 4. II (besides the usual 
form faestern, cf. 22, I (c)). 

Whether hondbeafton 7. 32 (besides hondbaeftadon, v. I, I (&)) 
may be similarly explained is uncertain ; I do not find any other 
instances noted where the o/a-umlaut is exerted over ft ; but cf. also 
53, VII, for this word. 

31. (a) e becomes eo through the original u of a 
derivative suffix ; this is true also when the quality of 
the umlauting vowel has changed, or when syncope has 
come in later : heofon 10. 15, heofna 21. 26 (once without 
umlaut, hefon 4. 25), seofon I 4. 9, seofa I 7. u, unseo- 
funtigum 16. 14. 



30 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

ea occurs in seatlas 11. 43, 20. 46, where the 1 is 
syllabic ; cf. seatul in Matthew 23. 2. 

(6) e>eo through the original u of an inflectional 
syllable : gebeodo 1. 13, feolo 5. 15, heono 23. 15, meolo 
13. 21 ; ea in gebeadum 2. 37, fealo 12. 48, geafa 2. 40, 
geafum 21. 5 (never eo in this word). 

(c) o/a-umlaut of e appears as ea in bearanne 23. 36, 
gebeara 10. 4, eatta 8. 55, eattas 10. 7 (besides ettas 5. 30), 
forgeafa 5. 21, forgeafanne 10. 12 (without the umlaut 
are the ind. pi. forgefses 11. 4, and forgef ' 11. 4), ongeatta 
24. 1 6. 

gespreacca 5. 4 is the only instance in L. of this 
umlaut before a palatal consonant (cf. 33 if.). 

In sealla 8. 55, seallaS 21. 12, &c. (besides sellas 21. 12), 
the o/a-umlaut acts upon e over the double consonant 

(EB. 247). 

eo appears only in eotat> 5. 33. 

32. (a) i > io through the original u of a derivative 
suffix: cliopade 8. 28, cliopado I 10. 4, clioppado 23. 21, 
hlionade 7. 37, gehlionade 7. 36 (besides gehlinade 22. 14), 
Sionne 12. 5 (<:*$isuna, S. 105, anm. 8). 

(&) i>io through the original u of an inflectional 
syllable : gebiodon 2. 38, nedniomo 18. IT, sciolon 13. 5, 
sciolo 13. 3 (cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 27, note 3), scioppo 5. u, 
sciopum 14. 17, gebearsciopum 20. 46, wrioto 24. 45, 
gewriotto 24. 32, gewuriotum 24. 27. 

(c) o/a-umlaut of i appears as io in hliongende 7. 49 
(besides hlingende 5. 29, hlingendum 5. 29), niomaft 4. n, 
nioma 22. 36 (opt. sing.), niomanne 11. 54, niomand 5. io, 
niomande I 9. io, hriopaS 12. 24, hiora 1. 16. 

ia instead of io in hiara 23. i, bihianda 7. 38 (where 
the umlaut exerts its influence over nd); eo in heona 
4. 9, 13. 31, 16. 26. 

In soSfta, the i disappeared after the umlauting, 
which has taken place over the double consonant (EB. 
246, 328). 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 31 

The so-called Palatal Umlaut. 

33. For the importance in North, of the phenomena 
falling under this head, cf. S. 108, f ; i6iff. ; EB. 193- 
211, 305 ff. 

The arrangement in S. 161-165 will here be followed, 
to the neglect of the distinction made by Biilbring 
between true ' palatal umlaut ' (EB. 209 ; Angl. Beibl. 10. 
p. i ff.) and ' Ebnung ' or ' smoothing' (EB. 193, anm.). 

34. ea is simplified to se before h, ht, x ( = hs) : sehto 
I 8. 2, aehto 13. 4, legeftslseht 10. 18, mseht 1. 35, msehto 

16. n, msehton 8. 19, neeht 5. 5, nsehtes 2. 8 (for the 
placing of mseht, nseht, here rather than under i-umlaut, 
cf. Lind. 2 78, anm. 2), gesseh 10. 18, gesaeh 9. 47, tseherum 

7. 38, Ssehtung 7. 30, wsexaS 12. 27, wsexbred 1. 63, 
awsehton 9. 32, awseht I 5. 8. 

The e in tehrum, ehras, is probably due to i-umlaut (cf. 
22, IV) ; in aweht 15. n, to the analogy of the present 
forms; the a in ofslah (imp.) 18. 20 to the contracted 
forms in a (S. 162, anm. 3). 

ea before re, rg, appears as e in bergana 8. 32, bergas 
15. 15, merce 16. 7, mercaft I 9. 15, mercong I 1. i, 
gemercade I 9. 15 ; as se in ofermsercade I 6. 14, and in 
the loan-words serce 17. 27 and caercherne I 4. 8. 

35. ea > e before c, g, h : ec I 10. 9 (with this one 
exception always sec in L., cf. below), becon 2. 2, becnade 

8. 47, gebrec 24. 43 (besides gebrsec, cf. below), gebrece 
1. 8 (with substitution of the vowel of the ind. for that 
of the opt.), ego 11. 34, egum 19. 42, heh 1. 78, hehsynne 
I 2. 3, lehtune 13. 19. In degelnise e may be due to the 
influence of the following g, or it may belong under 

55, HI. 

se appears in sec 13. 4, sac I 2. 11, gebrsec I 11. 13, "Sseh 

17. 4; a in $ah 18. 4, 16. 31, $ahhue$re 6. 33 (in $ah 
and iSseh Biilbring assumes shortening, due to weakness 
of accent, Angl. Beibl. 9. 100 ; EB. 454; S. 163, anm. i, 
gives $ah). 



32 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

h before the voiced consonant has fallen out before 
causing simplification of the diphthong in heanisum 
I 10. 3, heonisum I 4. i, heanise 5. 4, &c. 

36. eor> e before h, x (=hs), ht, re, rh, and c : feh 
8. 43, geseh 11. 35 (besides imp. besseh, cf. below), sex 
4. 25, sexdeih 24. 13, larcneht I 2. 2, nercsnawong 23. 43, 
feht 14. 31, gefehto 21. 9, reht 13. 16, unreht 16. 10 
(besides unraahto, cf. below), were 17. 12 (forms with ce, 
v. 41), "Serh 1. 70, berhtnise 2. 9, recone 4. 39, gesprecca 
4. 41 (gespreacca, cf. 31 (c)), (erend)wreco 7. 24, (-)wre- 
cum 15. 12. 

8e is found in cnseht I 3. 17, cnsehtas 12. 45, cnaehtum 
7. 32, &c. (e occurs only once in this word ; for larcneht, 
cf. above), faees 15. 12, unraehto 3. 5, besseh 9. 38, 18. 14 
(cf. Biilb., EB. 207 who, however, finds only e in feh- ; 
the development in fsees would probably be *fehes> 
*feohes :>*feahes r>*faehes :> faees ; but there is also 
the possibility of 83 being due to the labial influence of 

f, cf. 41). 

37. eor>e before h, ht, g: fle/a 8. 13, 21. 21 (cf. Fii. 
19, 4), flegendo 8. 5, legere 6. 42, neh I 11. i, unneh 
19. 12, leht 11. 35, cece 6. 29 (?). 

In bituen 22. 17, Biilbring (EB. 199 ; 147, a) sees the 
simplification of eo (eu) arising from the breaking of 
"WGr. I; Sievers (Ags. Voc., p. 35) considers it rather 
a product of contraction. 

The simplification has not taken place in geneoleceft 
12. 33, geneolecte 7. 12, &c., where h has fallen out at an 
early period before a voiced consonant ( 21; 76, II; 

cf. 35)- 

38. io :> i before h, ht, h'S, rg, g, c, Ic : seniht 9. 36, 

nseniht 23. 14, gerilrSe (for gerihte) 3. 1 9, gebirgaft 14. 24, 
gesilrSo 1. 22, &c., tuigo 18. 32, wico 18. 12, uica I 11. 16, 
halfcwic 10. 30, gemilcadon 23. 29, astigon 5. 1 9 ; suira 
17. 2 belongs here according to EB. 262, anm. ; Lind. 2 
91, anm. ; e appears in rehtanne 1. 79, gerehtad 13. 13, 
nseneht 23. 22, gebergeiS 9. 27. 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 33 

39. io>i before h, lit, x (=hs): bitwih 11. 51, 
bituih I 7. 13 (S., Ags. Voc., p. 35), lih 11. 5, wigbed 
11. 51 (<;*wiohbed, S. 222, anm. i, cf. 57, IV), inlihte 
1. 79, lixende 24. 4, licsendo 16. 19, inlixande 23. 54. 

e appears in inlehta'S 11. 36. 



Influence of Labials. 

40. For the various writings of w, cf. Biilb., Angl. 
Beibl. 10. 368 ff. ; EB. 463 ; Fo. 20. In L. we find, 
besides the rune-sign (here represented by w), wu (wij), 
u (y), uu (ijij), wo (wo), o (o). For examples, cf. 61. 

41. Under the influence of w, e is changed to ce: 
cuoe^a 3. 8, 5. 23, &c., euoeftes 18. 19, &c. (besides cue$o 
3. 8, &c., without w-influence. For such variations in 
orthography as cuoseiSanne 11. 83, cuoseSaft 6. 26, cuoaftas 
23. 29, &c., cf. Paul, Beitr. 6. 38 ; Fii. 20, I ; S. 370, 
anm. 7), cuoeden 2. 17, huoefter 5. 23, &c. (besides hue$er 

6. 39), huoe$re 11. 8, hoeftre 22. 21, suoeger 12. 53 
(besides suegir 12. 53, and suser, cf. 43), unwoeder 
I 5. 1 8, gewoeded 1. 27, gewoefen I 4. 10, woel 12. 32 
(otherwise always with e in L.), woerca I 2. 10, woerc- 
monn 10. 7, woer 8. 38 (besides wer 2. 36), (huoelc)- 
huoeges 20. 38, woeg 3. 4, woegum 3. 5 (besides weg 

7. 27 more frequently with e), woesta 13. 29, suoester 
I 7. i (also soest' 10. 40, cf. 61). For coern, cf. Biilb., 
Angl. Beibl. 10. 371 ; EB. 287 ; Lind. 2 91,0). 

We>wse in waes 18. 13, 19. 19, and possibly in wsello, 
wselle, &c. (cf. also 22, I, note). 

The same labial influence may be exerted by f in 
fsees 15. 1 2, but the development seems to me rather that 
indicated in 36. 

42. becomes ce: efnegequoeccad 20. 18, gecoecton 
6. i (cf. cuacende 8. 47), tuoelf 2. 42, toelfo 22. 14, 
eghuoelc 6. 47, suoelce 16. i, acuoella 22. 2, huoenne 
17. 20, woende 4. 10, awoendad 1. 56, halwoendum I 6. 2 

D 



34 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

(besides halwende 3. 6), bewoeredon 11. 52, woerdende 
23. 2, awoerda 18. 16, awoerdon 20. n (besides aweredon 
18. 9), woergendum 6. 28, huoerf 6. 35, huoerflice I 10. 6 
(besides huerf 6. 34). 

SB may be due to w-influence in huselc 9. 46, suselce 
18. n, suselcsB 11. 44 (EB. 1 68, amn. 2 ; Fo. 20, I). 

43. e becomes de : cwoedon 8. 24, cuoeden I 6. 5, 
huoer 8. 25 (more frequently without the w-influence, 
cf. 6), woe 2. 15, woede 12. 23, gewoedo 23. 34 (besides 
gewedo 5. 36), gewoedad 12. 27 (besides geweded 8. 25), 
woepeno 11. 22, woepenberend 11. 21 (besides wepen- 
beren I 7. 5), woeron 12. 3 (weron, v. 6 ; wsere, v. 
below), tuoe 2. 24, tuoege I 8. 15 (besides tuege 3. n, 
and the unumlauted form tuoge 2. 24 three times), 
tuoentigum 14. 31. ce in the two last words is considered 
as the i-umlaut of o by Lind. 2 73. SQ occurs in waere 
5. 12, cf. 6. In suser 4. 38, SQ may be due to the in- 
fluence of w upon e derived from contraction ( 53, II). 

44. SB is changed to oe in cuoe$ 16. 15, &c., awoeht 
I 5. 20, awoehton 8. 24 ; to o in cwo$ 16. 3. According 
to the explanation of Biilbring, however, in Angl. Beibl. 
10. 368, the vowel in the first instance is de from e 
brought over from the plural. In awoeht and awoehton, 
it is possible that we have the regular woe<we, since 
in North, the se of the pret. and pret. part, is usually 
supplanted by the of the pres. ; e. g. awhton 9. 32, 
aweht I 5. 1 1 ; se appears in awseht 15. 1 8. 

45. eo from breaking or u/o-umlaut is changed to o : 
wosa 3. 14, wosanne 2. 49, worado 13. 23, worulde 1. 55, 
world 18. 30, woreldes 20. 34, wrSerworde 12. 58, suord 
2- 35, geworpa 11. 18, worpanne I 9. 14, worses 1. 34, 
gworSa 8. 12, worSias 16. 15. 

46. ea, whether from breaking or where ea = eo 
from u/o-umlaut, is changed to a : walum 8. 14, waras 
22. 63, warana 14. 24, wrSerwarde I 9. 13, onduarde 3. n, 
erfeuard 20. 14, huarf 24. 13, awarp 4. 35, gewarS 4. 42. 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 35 

Here belong also, on account of the labial influence of 
f : farmes 14 17, farma 5. 29, fatrum 8. 29, farra 23. 49. 

SB instead of a occurs in wseras 9. 32, waelurn 8. 14, 
wselom 16. 9, geondwserde I 10. 13, towaerd 9. 44, awserS 
17. 1 8, fserma I 11. 2, fsermum 14. 8. 

47. wio becomes wu : wuton 11. 44, wuttanne 8. 10, 
wuto 7. 30, uutum 11. 52, uutana 1. 17, &c. 

This wu is further developed to wy by i-umlaut (S. 
156, 4 ; EB. 262) : wuyrso 11. 26, wyrSe 3. 8, wyrSo 
23. 41, wyrSro 14. 8. 

For the y in Wynnes I 2. 8, instead of i, cf. EB. 282. 

48. The groups eow and iow, whether from WG-. 
euw, iuw, or from the problematical w-umluat (EB. 
255 ff.), are frequently written ew (eo, eu, ea) and iw 
(iu, io), which are probably only graphic shortenings of 
euw, iuw (S. 156, anm. 5; EB. 109, anm. 3; no, 
anm. 2 ; 114, anm. 2 ; 256, anm.). 

Examples : cneuum 5. 8, oncneoum 22. 41, oncneu 
19. 44, cneureso 11. 50, cneoreso 9. 41, feortih 4. 2, feor- 
si$am 19. 8, fearfald 19. 8 (besides feouer 2. 37), treo 
21. 29 (besides tree 6. 43, &c.), treuana 3. 9, gehreues 
17. 4, "Sonagehrewun 8. 26, gehiuadne I 9. 2, oferhiuade 
I 6. 8, niua 5. 37, niue 5. 36, niwes I 5. 3, iuero 21. 18, 
iuer 6. 22, iweres 12. 7, giuiaS 11. io, giwende I 7. 4 
(EB. 256, anm.), iSiwa 1. 38, Siuaes 1. 48 (besides Siuwas 
12. 45), hiwuisc 13. 25 (besides hiogwuisc 12. 39, cf. 61). 

sew appears in hrsewende I 9. 4 (EB. 114, anm. 2); 
eow>ow in gehrowun 8. 23 ; eaw>ew (S. 156, anm. 3 ) 
in smeung 15. 14, smeunga 16. io. 



Influence of Preceding Palatals. 

49. For the importance of the phenomena falling 
under this head, cf. S. 74-76, 157 ; Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 
98 ff.; 11. 80 ff. 

Original j written g, except in proper names rarely 

D 2 




36 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

if ever produces diphthongization in North. For WS. 
gear, North, always has ger; e.g. in L. ger 3. i, gero 
13. 7. 

For "WS. pronoun ge, are found : ge (seven times), ge 
(three times), gee (once), gee (twice), gie (190 times), 
gise (once) ; the differences being perhaps only graphic. 

For WS. giu, geo, we find only gee (six times). 

For WS. giet: get I 11. 19. 

Original ju appears as giu in giungra 15. 12, as 
in ging 15. 23, gingesta 15. T2, gigo^e 18. ai. This looks 
as if in the last three instances the preceding vowel had 
caused diphthongization of i to iu, which then became 
i by the pushing forward of the accent and dropping 
of the second vowel (*gung>*giung>*giung:>gmg). 
In the comparative and superlative, giungra, gingesta, 
there is, to be sure, the possibility of i-umlaut ; in which 
case the palatal would be responsible only for the change 
of y to i in gingesta, and from y to iu in giungra iu 
being intermediate between y and i (S., Ags. Voc., p. 27, 
note, sees the direct influence of j upon u, in ging and 
gigoft ; for the opposite view, cf. Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 9. 99 
and EB. 307, c; Paul, Beitr. 6. 42, f; and S. himself 
earlier, Beitr. 9. ao7 ; 566, f). 

Note. The gi in giungra, gie (and presumably in gise), Lind. 2 61 
considers as merely denotations of the j-sound. 

50. Palatal c and g (c, g) sometimes cause diphthongi- 
zation of se (WGr. a) to ea (ese) : ongeaegn 19. 30, setgeadre 
7.49 (besides setgaedre 23. 18), gegeadred I 4. 10, setgesedre 
23. 48, geafel 20. 22 (besides gsefel I 10. 8), ceafertun 
11. a i (besides csefertune 22. 55). 

For the possibility of gegeadred, &c., being due to u- 
umlaut, cf. 30, note. 

May not agef 4. 20 (cf. i, I, (c)) belong here ? agsef> 
ageaf>ageaf:>agef. 

Loan-words : ceastre 14. ai, ceastra, I 2. i, &c. 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 37 

Diphthongization of 9 after g regularly appears in 
geong 2. 44, geongom 3. 5, geongaes 3. 4, bigeonle (scribal 
error for bigeonge), 13. 7. 

51. s may exert a palatalizing influence in sileiS 1 6. 14 
(cf. EB. 304, Fii. 21, 6). 

52. After sc the following changes frequently take 
place : 

(a) SB or a to ea: scealde 9. 31, esceapa 5. 36, sceattas 
15. 8, sceaftum 1 11. 7, morsceafta 23. 33, asceaccaft 9. 5. 

(b) 9 ( = ~WGr. a before a nasal) to eo : sceoma 3. 14, 
sceomigo 16. 3, sceomade 18. 2 ( = Got. skaman). 

(c) o to eo: sceortiga 22. 32 (besides unscortende 

12. 33)- 

(d) a (="WGr. ai) to ea: sceadas 6. 22, gescead 12. 51, 

gesceaden 13. n, gescean 9. 29, ymbscean 2. 9. 

(e) e (= WGr. a) appears as I in scip 15. 6, scipes I 8. 16, 
&c. (EB. 154). 

(/) 6>eo : sceowum I 4. 7, sceoea 3. 16, sceoe 10. 4 
(but scoeum 22. 35, scoeas 15. 22, showing i-umlaut of 6 ; 
cf. Got. skohs and gaskohi). 

(g) after sc and scr, u is changed to y, iu, in scyldrum 
15. 5, gescryncan 1 8. 4 (where, however, it may be due to 
i-umlaut, cf. 55, II), gescriuncan 6. 6 ; u is changed to yu 
in scyur 12. 54. 

scu remains in scua 1. 79. For the group scu, scru, 
cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 27, note. 

Contraction. 

53. I. Original ah + vowel becomes ea, a, se. ea: gefea 
I 4. i, tearum 7. 44, tearuum I 5. 14 (without contraction 
are taeherum 7. 38, cf. 34, tehrum 7. 44, cf. 22, IV) ; 
a : slaa 12. 45, geslas 22. 49, geslaa 18. 13 ; se : ofslse (infin.) 
20. 14, ofsl&s 18. 33, ofslaeft 11. 49, ofslaeft 12. 5. 

"Suo, "So, may be merely graphic variants of ftw (cf. 40) 
in : geSuoa 7. 38, aiSoa^ 15. 14, a$oa 7. 38 ; but cf. Fii. 

22, 1. 



38 VOWELS OF THE STEM-SYLLABLES 

II. eh + guttural vowel appears regularly as ea : gefea 
16. 17, gefeande 22. 5, gefeade 1. 41, seas 24. 39, geseaft 
10. 24, geseanne 9. 9, hundteantig 8. 8, tea I 9. 8 ; but also 
tene I 8. 2, tenum 14. 31, teum 14. 31. 

eh + e normally appears as e (S. 166, anm. 2) : geseen 
19. 37, swer 14. 16 ; but we also find gesii 18. 41, gesea 

2. 15, suser 4. 38. The se may be due to the influence 
of w in the last word, cf. 43. 

eh + guttural vowel becomes ea: fleaS 8. 13, geflea 3. 7. 

eh-fe(i) gives e: neesta 10. 36, nesta 18. 5, neste 10. 27, 
her a 22. 26 ; se in hsesta 8. 28 ; for ei in heiste 1. 32, 
heista 1. 76, heigsta 1 11. 17, &c., cf. 14. 

e + w appears as ea in -Seadom 1 10. 16, eo in treo 13. 19 ; 
but oftener e : tree 6. 43, trees I 9. 6, &c. (besides treuana 

3. 9). 

e + e(i) gives e: ece 19. 16, eco 16. 9 (<:*e(j) ici, EB. 
217), edo 2. 8, edse 12. 32 (<*e(w)id(B, EB. 217); ae in 
sece 10. 25. 

III. ih + original i appears as 1: gesiist 6. 41, 7. 44, 
gesiis 6. 42. 

ih + guttural vowel appears as ia in tuiade 9. 7. 

The treatment of i + guttural vowel varies greatly 
(S. 166, 5, anm. 6, 7; EB. 118). iu appears in ftm 6. 17 
(five times) ; io in hio 8. 50, ftio, ftrio 12. 52, bio (bread) 
24. 42, friond 11. 6, fiondes 10. 19, fionda 1. 74, biom 
9. 41, 16. 4 (<:*bijum, EB. 118); ia in gefiadon 19. 14; 
ea in ftreana 10. 36, iSrea 9. 33, hundneantig 15. 7, eade 

4. 42, eadon 7. n, &c. (<*ijo-da, EB. 118; but cf. also 

5. 114, anm. i) ; eo in freondas 7. 6, freond 7. 34, hund- 
neontig 15. 4, $reo 11. 5, gefreod 12. 5, eode 1. 9, &c. 

Loan-words : diacon 10. 32, dioblas 2. 49, diab' 4. 5. 

i + i appears as i: $rim 4. 25, Sriim I 3. 16, Sriim 
1.56. 

i + e appears as ie, e : sie (twenty-one times), see 12. 56, 
se 4. 3. 

bituen 22. 17 (S., Ags. Voc., p. 35 ; but cf. 37). 



INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORING SOUNDS 39 

IV. se + vowel appears as se in gaes 12. 59, gae$ 7. 8, 
&c. (EB. 315), & (lex) 16. 16, sees 21. 25, sse 17. 2, &c. 

V. 6 + vowel appears as o: do 10. 38, doo 10. 37, doa 
6. 9, doend 4. i, onfoses 20. 21, onfoaft 6. 43, onfoanne 
6. 34, hoendum (for the forms in which the ending is 
brought in again analogically, cf. S. no, anm. i), woe 
23. 41. 

VI. u + vowel remains unchanged: buendo 20. 14, 
buendum 1 10. 7. 

VII. scua 1. 79. "When an unaccented precedes an 
accented vowel, the former is elided : buta 18. 28, getta 
I 3. 8, nsefre 15. 29. Sometimes the initial consonant of 
the accented word is lost, but instances of this kind are 
comparatively rare in L. : nere I 3. 9, nsebbende 3. n, 
noht 10. 19, nseniht 23. 14, oht(rippe) 10. 2, nallo 19. 14, 
nella^S 6. 37, nsellaft 6. 37, &c. 

The scribe in L. often prefers to keep the unaccented 
vowel: neoht 23. 22, ne senig 1. 61, &c. (nineteen times, 
never nsenig), ne senigmonn 15. 16, &c. 

Hondbseftadon belongs here, if the derivation suggested 
by Lind. 2 99, anm., is correct : be-afton (cf. NED. beft) ; 
the puzzling form hondbeafton 7. 32 would then be 
accounted for by the retention of the unaccented vowel 
(cf. 30, note). 



Variations in Quantity. 

54. I. Final vowels of stressed monosyllabic words 
appear as long in : me 22. 67, no 20. 22, nii 6. 25, 3a 15. 7, 
17. 24, 7. 2, &c., u 19. 42, 22. 32, $e 15. 29, gee 8. 25, 
22. 67, woe 23. 41. 

II. There is a tendency to lengthen monosyllabic words 
ending in a consonant: god 24. 53, ham 7. 10, his I 3. 8, 
mec 22. 53, min 16. 3, on 21. 31, -Sec 23. 37, $es 16. 25. 
This is true also of the prefixes on- and un- : onmercung 



40 VOWELS OF THE STEM- SYLLABLES 

20. 24, lineage 18. 24, lingelefendum 24. 41, unmsehtigo 
18. 27, &c. 

III. Lengthening frequently takes place before certain 
consonant combinations ; (a) before a nasal + consonant : 
fand 15. 9, gnind 14. 29, hond 13. 13, lond 17. 31, onfeng 
18. 31, geband 13. 16, stennc 23. 56. Lengthening is per- 
haps indicated by the doubling of the vowel in druuncen 

21. 34 ; (6) before r + consonant : word 20. 20, indrne 13. 32, 
(c) before 1 + consonant: ftyld 21. 19, gesald 18. 32, 21. 16, 
24. 7. 



B. THE VOWELS OF UNSTRESSED AND OF 
SECONDAEILY STEESSED SYLLABLES 

CHAPTEE V. SUFFIXES, PEEFIXES, COMPOUND WORDS, 

MEDIAL VOWELS 

Suffixal Ablaut and later changes in Derivative 

Syllables. 

55. I. The original neuter suffix -os, -es, appears in 
OE. as r, or is lost altogether (S. 128, i). The r appears 
in ehras 6. i, dogrum 2. 46, lombro 10. 3. Indications of 
the old e- grade survive in the umlauted forms: doeg 
17. 22, ehras (cf. above); the old o-grade in the unum- 
lauted forms : dogrum 2. 46, lombro 10. 3. 

Later changes in the old o-grade are seen in wuldur 
2. 52, wuldor 4. 6, wulder 2. 32. 

-ur (or) from the comparative ending -oz is seen in 
suitor 5. 15, ufor 14. 10. 

For acasa 3. 9, cf. S., Ags. Voc., p. 23. 

II. The old gradation before n in the original suffix 
-ono-, -eno-, may be traced in the pret. part, of st. vbs. ; 
those that have their stem- vowel umlauted showing in 
this the old e-grade, those without the umlaut showing 
the old o-grade (S. 1 28, 2). The following umlauted pret. 
parts, occur in Luke : ahefen 10. 15 (but cf. Fli. 24, II), 
geslaegen 22. 7 (S., Ags. Voc., p. 24), awoerpen 20. 15. 

The umlaut due to the suffix -in may also be seen in 
msegen 5. 17, 9. i (S., Ags. Voc., p. 23, and note), hse$in 
17. 1 6. 

The orig. Gmc. form of the suffix (IE. -eno-, Gmc. -ina-) 



42 VOWELS OF UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES 

appears to survive in awrittinae I 2. 5, hasftin (cf. above) ; 
these, however, may be mere scribal variations. 

When not syncopated, and with the exception of hseftin 
and awrittinae (cf. above), -in appears as -en : the pret. 
parts, and msegen noted above, also drihten 1. 28, &c., 
linnenom 16. 19, maegden 8. 54. 

G-mc. -an appears as -on: always in heofon 10. 15, &c., 
seofon I 4. 9, &c. (except seofa srSa I 7. n), recone 4. 39, 
&c., nigona 15. 4, &c. ; as -an in wacan 12. 38 ; waccane 
12. 38 ; as -en in most strong pret. parts. ( 98 ff.), and in 
raccentegum 8. 29 (cf. racanteg, Lind 2 . 103, b). 

In gescryncan I 8. 4 the y is probably not due to i- 
umlaut, but to the influence of the preceding scr (52 (g)), 
and the suffix survives in its Gmc. form, unless -an is 
a scribal error for -en. 

The original variation in the suffix may be shown in 
the unumlauted morgen 12. 28, and the umlauted merne 
18. 33 (Lind 2 . 103, b). 

For the secondary vowel before n, cf. 59, III. 

III. The original suffix -olo, elo- (Gmc. -ala-, -ila-) (S. 
128, 3). The old e-grade appears in idelhende 20. 10, 
cyrtel 22. 36, degelnise 11. 33 (but cf. 35), lytel 12. 32, 
micel 1. 15, oeftel 14. 13, fotscoemel 20. 43, symbel 22. i, 
yfel 6. 45. In $yrl 18. 25, the i (e) is syncopated (S. 218, 
i ; EB. 529); -il remains in cyrtil 6. 29, idilende 20. u, 
unless these are scribal variations. 

Loan-words were sometimes changed according to the 
suffixal ablaut e existing in OE : ftsecilla 8. i6,&c. (S. 128, 
3 ; Fii. 1. 2) ; engel I 3. 13, &c., shows by its umlaut 
the suffix -il varying with the -el of the Lat. angelus. 

Gmc. -al appears as -ol in hriofol 5. 13 (<*hreufuli, S., 
Ags. Voc., p. 31), gearwutol 19. 21 ; as -el in sawel 12. 29, 
sauelo 21. 19, &c., and in the loan-word diowel I 4. 16 
(-ol of diabolus being regarded as a suffix). 

For the secondary vowel before 1, cf. 59, II. 

IV. The original suffix -oro-, -ero-. The old e-grade is 



SUFFIXES, PREFIXES, COMPOUND WORDS, ETC. 43 

shown in the umlauted forms: moederes I 4. 5 (besides 
moderes 1. 15, &c.), froefernise 6. 24 (besides frofor 2. 25). 
Gmc. -ar (< -or) appears as -er in : huefter 6. 39, feouer 
2. 37, summer 21. 30, o3ero 10. 55, ofer 12. 42, under 
4. 27, ftuneri I 9. 10, iuer 11. 55, iuerra 17. 7, userne, 
11. 3 ; as -or in o$oro 9. 26. 

V. The suffix -ig, -ag. The two forms fell together as 
-ig before the differentiation of the dialects in OE., but 
traces of an old gradation are seen in the existence of 
forms with and without i-umlaut. 

Umlauted forms are : senig I 8. 15, hefig 18. 5, menigo 
18. 4, &c. (besides monigo 7. n, &c., cf. below), syndrigo 
2. 3, untryinigo 14. 19, ellSiodig 17. 18, woestig. 

"Without are: eadig 7. 23, halig I 2. 4, monigo 7. u. 

gemyndigo 17. 32, and scyldigra I. 5. 14, furnish no 
clue to the original form of the suffix since they are 
derived from umlauted substantives. 

For baersynnig, cf. Lind. 9, anm. 2. 

-ig appears as -eg in oferhygdego 1. 51. 

VI. The suffix -ud, -ed. There are no indications in 
Luke of the forms with Gmc. i. -ud appears in heafud 
(three times), -od in heafod 7. 46, -ad in worado 13. 23. 

-ed appears in the loan-word secced 23. 36. 

-a$ occurs in innaftes 1. 42, monaiSe 1. 26, monaSum 

I. 56; -0*5 in innoft I 7. 7, -oiS oun]? in fracoiS 16. 15, 
gigofte 18. 21 ; -eiS in moneft 1. 36, moneSum 1. 24, lege$ 

II. 36, legeSslseht 10. 18. 

VII. Abstracts in -nis, -nes. The normal form in 
Luke is -nis(s), -nis(s)e; but -nes(s)e is found in cySneso 
18. 20, onlicnessa 4. 23, 20. 24, onlicnese 8. 4, toslitnitnese 
I 1. 13 (scribal error for toslitnese), witneso 18. 20, 
wittnessa 22. 71. 

VIII. The suffix -ung sometimes appears as -ing: 
upphebbing 8. 8, ceping I 5. 3, ermingum 4. 18, eftlesing 
24. 21, flowing 8. 44, forescending 21. 25, beorning 1. n, 
breting 24. 35, iorning I 5. 20, greeting 1. 41, niming 



44 VOWELS OF UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES 

I 5. 3, innawritting 20. 24, and in the loan-word csesering 
18. 1 6, casering 15. 8 ; -ong in geddong 10. 7, ebol- 
songas 5. 21, costong 14. n; -eng in groeteng 1. 29, 
groetenges 1. 44, groetencgo 11. 43 (besides greeting 

1. 4i). 

IX. Interchange of -en and -ern appears only in. 
efernlocaft 24. 59 ; the ending is abbreviated in fsest'num 

2. 37, &c., woest'num 7. 24. 

Prefixes. 

56. I. ge, gi. The normal form is ge ; gi appears 
in Luke only in gispilde 15. 13, gionetaiS 13. 7. The 
anomalous form gae appears in gsesended 1. 26. The loss 
of g is probably due to the preceding h in neheburas 
1. 58 ; neheburum 15. 6 ; nehebyrildas 15. 9. 

The e is syncopated in getta I 3. 8 (for ge-etta) ; sef- 
groefa 12. 58. It has fallen out through a scribal error 
in gdom 12. 18; gfaestniaft I 7. 19; gherdon 8. 18 ; 
gworSa 8. 12. 

II. be, bi. The normal form is be, but bi appears in 
bifserende 18. 36, bigencga 13. 7, bigeonle 13. 7, bihal- 
dendo 4. 20, bihianda 7. 38, bisuac 23. n, bisuicen 21. 8, 
bituen 22. 17, bituih I 7. 13, bitwih 11. 51, biwaerlas 11. 42, 
biwserlde 10. 31. 

e has fallen before a vowel in buta I 8. 2, &c. ; and in 
blinn 4. 34, blinna 22. 51, if this is from *bi-linnan 
(Lind. 2 1 14 ; but KL, PGK 390 considers it <*ab-linnan ; 
cf. Fo. 15, II). 

III. fora, fore, for (usually abbreviated to fa, f 'e, f). 
As a prefix, fora is met with only in Luke. It is used 
interchangeably with fore in the following instances: 
f 'abrengaS 21. 30, f abreng 15. 22, and f 'ebrohte 10. 35 ; 
f'afoerde 19. 28, and f'efoerde 22. 47; forasaga I 3. n, 
and f 'esaga I 9. 6. fore and for are used interchangeably 
in f bead I 6. 10, f'budon 9. 49, f'beadse 9. 50, and f 'ebead 
I 9. 15 ; forSon and f e$on 7. 47, 23. 8. 



SUFFIXES, PREFIXES, COMPOUND WORDS, ETC. 45 

IV. sef, of. of is the usual form, but sef is used in 
sefdsell 19. 37, sefgroefa 12. 58, sefgroefe 12. 58, sefssege 
I 8. 5. of is weakened to a in adune 19. 6, aduna 4. 9, &c. ; 
it shows i-uml. in oefeste 1. 39, oefistade 19. 6, &c. 

V. set, ot. set is the regular form, ot does not occur. 

VI. e = IDGr. e in erist 1 10. 9, eristes 20. 36, eswico 
13. 15, esuicnise 12. i, esceapa 5. 36. 

VII. ond, on, un. Examples ond-: ondetnise I 6. 17, 
ondfenges 9. 51, ondget 24. 45, ondspyrnende I 9. 4, 
ondsuere 2. 26, onduarde 3. n, ondwlitto 22. 64; on-: 
onfenge 9. 10 (for ond-), ongete 24. 18, onsaeccest 22. 34, 
onsione 1. 76, onsetnisse 11. 50, onsuare 1 9. 16 (for ond-) ; 
un- : unhal 7. 10, unsnytro 6. u, unwoeder 15. 18 ; on- is 
weakened to a- in : afearra 13. 27, agotten 5. 37, ageldas 
20. 25, agemde 15. 19. 

VIII. in, inn. The two forms appear interchangeably 
in infaerende 8. 16", and innfaerendum 22. 10; infoerdon 
8. 33, and innfoerde 1. 9 ; ingaiS 22. 10, and inngreS 
13. 25. 

Second Members of Compounds. 

57. I. In consequence of bearing only a secondary 
accent, ea>o: wrSerworda 11. 18, geonduorde I 7. 7 
(besides wi$eruarde 19. 13, of. 46, geondwearde 12. n, 
cf. 19, I). 

II. se>e : berern 12. 24, bererno 12. 18, gestern 22. u, 
hordern 12. 24. e>e in geneolecaft 21. 20 (EB. 427); 
a in geneolaceft 21. 28, -lacaiS 10. n. 

III. i^-e: erest 20. 27, 20. 33 (besides erist I 10. 9), 
nseneht 23. 22 (besides nseniht 23. 14). 

IV. Especially great changes (S. 43, anm. ; Fu. 26) 
take place in : ebolsaft 12. 10, ebalsadon 22. 65, ebolsonga 
5. 21 (-= c*ef-halsian), fracoft 16. 15 (<*fra-cui$, cf. also EB. 
JOT, anm.), ful-tume 10. 40 (<*ful-team), hiorodes 2. 13, 
hirodes 12. 39 (<c*hiw-red), anlapum 4. 40 (<:*anlepe), 
laferd 16. 8, hlafard 18. 6 (<*hlaf-weard), laruas 5. 17, 



46 VOWELS OF UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES 

laruum 22. n (<*lar-$eow ?), geondetaft 12. 8 (<*ond- 
hatjan), wigbed 11. 51 (<c*wlh-beod), worulde 1. 55, world 
18. 30 (<*wer-ald, Fii. 26). 

V. y is weakened to i in oefistade 19. 6, oefistande 
2. 1 6 ; to e in oefeste 1. 39, oefesta 19. 5 (<*ab-unsti, 
EB. 1 01, anm. 3). 

VI. Original 1 has disappeared in selc 11. 43, selces 
I 1. i, huelc 7. 42, suselce 18. 1 1 ; I in noht 10. 19, &c., 
tuoelf 2. 42, &c., ohtrippe 10. a (?). 

Medial Vowels. 

Epenthetic or Secondary Vowels. 

58. The laws for the treatment of final vowels are 
the same for North, as for WS. since they were in effect 
before the differentiation of the dialects. They are to be 
found in full in S. 130-160, Kaluza 73. I shall therefore 
treat here only of the further changes that take place in 
the endings of words in consequence of the apocope of 
final vowels, i. e. the insertion of epenthetic or secondary 
vowels. 

59. If a mute, followed by a liquid or a nasal, appears 
at the end of a syllable, by a common phonetic law the 
liquid or nasal becomes vocalic. In OE., however, a 
secondary vowel is often developed out of and before the 
liquid or nasal. The quality of the secondary vowel 
generally appears to depend upon that of the vowel of 
the preceding syllable (S. 139). 

I. A vowel regularly appears before r, generally e if 
the preceding syllable contains a palatal vowel, and o, u, 
if a guttural, -or: aldor 11. 15, morSor 23. 19, wundor- 
lice 13. 17, and the loan-word ombor 22. 10 ; -ur : wuldur 
2. 52; -er: hider 16. 26, bidder 24. 48, tseherum 7. 38, 
waeter 7. 44 (? S. 243 ; KL, NStB. 92 ; Lind. 2 106, a), 
suoeger 12. 52, and with -er following a guttural vowel : 
hunger 4. 25, "Suneri 19. 10, wulder 14. i. 



SUFFIXES, PREFIXES, COMPOUND WORDS, ETC. 47 

II. Before 1 : apoltre 6. 22, fugul 13. 34, symbel 
I 8. 13, and the loan-word tempeles 23. 45. The secon- 
dary vowel fails to appear in fuglas I 7. 15, symbles 
13. 14. 

III. Before n. After short syllables, syllabic n usually 
remains unchanged, but secondary e always appears in 
bisen I 5. 4, bisseno 8. n, &c. ; after long syllables, the 
secondary vowel always appears : becon 2. 12, facen 

20. 23, tacon 2. 12, wolcen 9. 34. 

IV. Syllabic m remains unchanged in wsestm 1. 42. 
For the development of a vowel between r and g, 1 and 

g, cf. 80. 

Syncope of Middle Vowels. 

60. After long radical vowels in trisyllabic words, 
original short middle vowels are regularly syncopated, 
unless protected by position (S. 144, a). 

Examples: I. Before 1: degle 8. 17, hriofle 5. 12, 
idlo I 9. 7, 1. 53, lytle I 8. 7, lytlum 16. 10, sawle 
12. 19. 

Loan-words : diofles 14. u, dioblas 8. 33, englas 2. 15, 
engla 9. 26. 

Exceptions : lytelum 16. 10, sauela I 10. 15, sauelo 

21. 19. 

II. Before r: allra 1. 71, iura 6. 23, o$re 7. 8, usra 
20. 14, suoestro 14. 26, broftro 8. 19, dogrum 2. 46. 

Exceptions : moderes 1. 15, moederes I. 4. 5, oiSora 
(dsf.) 5. 7. 

The secondary vowel is not developed after a long 
radical syllable: fingre 11. 46, hungro 21. u, wintra 
I 2. 4, wundrum I 8. 5, wuldro 4. 22. 

Exception : fingeres 16. 24. 

III. Before n : the inflected pret. part, in -en : ge- 
wordne I 3. 4, fletno 5. n, f'letnum I 9. 17, awordna 
10. 13 ; also in drihtnes I 3. 5, drihtne 1. 16, &c. ; hsedno 
12. 30, haeSnum 18. 32, &c. ; msegdne I 6. i, netne 10. 34. 



48 VOWELS OF UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES 

Unsyncopated : f'leteno 16. 18, awordeno 4. 23 (S. i44,b). 

The secondary vowel is not developed in the interior 

of the word in wolcne I 10. 16, becne I 3. n, becnende 

I. 22. It is found in beceno 21. n, woepeno 11. 22. 
Unsyncopated forms sometimes occur in the pret. part., 

where they are contrary to the rule : druncene I 10. 1 8, 
awordeno (npf.) 10. 13. 

IV. Before d, % : for examples of syncope in the prets. 
of weak verbs, Class I, cf. 105, 2, (b): dselde 15. 12, 
agemde I 5. 19, &c. ; also in heafdes 7. 38, heafde 21. 18, 
heafda 21. 28, cySfto 1. 61, wrseft'So 21. 23. 

Exceptions : inteledon 20. 20, aweredon 18. 9. 

V. Before g : sengum 4. 26, eadgo 6. 20, halges 2. 42, 
witges 3. 4, witge 7. 28, scildge 11. 4. 

Many exceptions occur among the adjectives in -ig : 
seniges 12. 15, senigum 9. 21, maehtigo 1. 52, 18. 27, 
woestigum 4. 42, eadigo 1. 45. 

VI. Position protects against syncope : adjectives in 
-isc : bebbisca 18. 37, mennisces 12. 16. 

Substantives in -en, -enne : brygenne 23. 53 ; byrgenna 

II. 44. 

Substantives in -ere (-are), where -re<o-j ; cf. Lat. 
words in -arius (ario-) and Got. -areis : bodare 9. 33, 
doemere 12. 58, ettere 7. 34, legere 6. 42, fiscaras 5. 2. 

Superlatives : seldesto 22. 52, aeldestum 9. 22, gingesta 
15. 12, and other superlatives (cf. 130). An exception 
is found in heigsta I 11. 17. 

VII. After short syllables the middle vowel is regu- 
larly retained, although occasionally syncope comes in, 
especially before 1: cyrtlas 3. u, 9. 3, miclo 2. 9, 4. 33, 
miclum 23. 23, yfla 6. 43, yfles 17. 17, yflum 6. 35. 

Before r : ehras 6. i, tehrum 7. 44. 
Before n : heofnes I 10. 16, heofna 21. 26, and the pret. 
parts, begetne I 8. 16, gecuoedno 19. 28, awrittne I 6. 17. 
Before m : hlsetmesto 14. 9, 10, &c. 
Before ft: frenrSe 24. 18, gesikSo 1. 22, &c. 



C. CONSONANTS 
CHAPTER VI. THE SEMI- VOWELS 



w. 



61. For the half- vowel w, in the MS., the rune-sign 
and u are employed ; the rune-sign is here represented 
by w. uu and wu are also used for w ; and, on the other 
hand, they both sometimes = u, as in wu$uto 5. 21, 
wuteard 11. 40 (Lea 80, Fii. 29, but cf. also Fo. 29). 
Examples of the various signs employed for ^ w: 
Srowung 9. 23, sawle 12. 19; u: laruas 5. 17; uu: 
ges u uincgde 12. 47 ; wu : geswuing 12. 48, aw u ria$ 23. 30. 

Initially, w is sometimes unexpressed, or u = wu, o = wo, 
or w (cf. 40) : ulfum 10. 3, undrandum 9. 43, aundrad 
7. 9, (uft)utto 23. 10, coen 11. 31, coeftes 22. n, coeS 
9. 59, coeeSanne 11. 38, coe'Sende 22. 19, gecoecton 6. i, 
hoeiSre 22. 21, coern 12. 2, soest' 10. 40, toelfo 22. 14, 
a$oa3 I 5. 14, a$oa 7. 38 (Biilb., Angl. Beibl. 10. 368 ; EB. 
463 ; S. 172, anm.). 

I. (a) Initially, w appears before all vowels : wacana 

2. 8, W8BCC8BS 21. 36, woel 12. 32, wer 2. 36, wind 8. 24, 
worses 1. 34, wuna 24. 29. 

(6) In the combinations wr, wl: wraco 9. 12, wraft 
14. 21, writtra I 3. 3, wloncas 12. 16, (msegjwlit 9. 29. 

(c) In the combinations cw, dw, hw, sw, tw, iSw: 
cualmum 7. 21, forduineS 14. 34, huil 4. 5, swigdon 
23. 56, suin 15. 16, tuigo 18. 12, bitwih 11. 51, uongas 

3. 1 6, ge$uoge 7. 46. 

Note 1. Initial w is lost in certain words that contracted with the 
negative particle ne : nallo 19. 14, nelle 14. 12, nere I 3. 9, neoht 23. 

E 



50 CONSONANTS 

22, senight 20. 40, nseniht 23. 4 ; also in sulh 9. 62 (EB. 464, b), hu 
24. 6, tuu 10. 17, hlaferd 16. 8. The following are probably mere 
scribal errors: the loss of w from the combination hw in daghaem 19. 
47, f'hon 5. 30; the addition of w in woxo 13. 15, wyflo 16. 25 ; and 
the use of w for h in wyniges I 11. 14. 

II. (a) Medial w stands before all vowels except u 
and Prim. OE. i : stowe 2. 7, stowa 11. 24, saweft 8. 5, 
fulwa 3. 1 6, laruas 5. 17; it is however lost in gehorsed 
18. 32. 

(b) It is lost before u : cueoum 22. 41, oncneaun 2. 50, 
giunga I 7. 2, ftrounges I 11. 5, ftroung 14. 27, sceaunde 

22. 56, smeunga 6. 8 ; but is brought back analogically 
in 'Srowung 9. 23, hrowundum 8. 23, gehrowun 8. 23. 

For the inorganic w in smeawung 12. 25, smeawungas 
11. 17, cf. Fo. 29. 

(c) Before i : SB 16. 16, see 17. 2, sses I 5. 18, gegerela 

23. u, smirinise 7. 37, gesmiride 4. 18. 

Note 2. w following a velar cons, disappeared medially in OE. as 
in the other WG. languages, but the North, verb genehwa presents 
an unexplained exception to this rule ; genehua'S 16. 13, genehuade 
15. 15, efnegenehuade 23. 51. 

Note 3. Medial w appears to be vocalized in ceaolas 9. 17, unless 
here o == w. 

Note 4. w is used to bridge the hiatus in sceowum I 4. 7, gewun- 
rotsadlS. 23 (unless wu=u); also in gefiwe^ 16. 13, gefreouad 1. 74, 
where it replaces the lost j. 

III. (a) Final w is combined with a preceding short 
vowel to form a diphthong: -Seadom I 10. 16, treo 13. 19 
(but more often in Luke the w has fallen entirely in 
this word : tree 6. 43, trees I 9. 6). 

(b) After a consonant it is vocalized and remains as 
u, o when the preceding syllable is short : olebearu 
21. 37, nearo 13. 24, gearo 22. 33. 

(c) After long vowels and diphthongs, w disappears: 
geiSrea 17. 3, hreonise 15. 7 (four times without w). 
But in many words w has come back after the analogy 



THE SEMI-VOWELS 51 

of the other inflectional forms: stow 6. 17, hreownise 
I 4. 7 (five times with w), oncneu 19. 44 (so generally in 
the pret. forms of the verb cnawa), aedeaude I 3. 13 (Fii. 
29), sceawde 20. 23, sceawnne 23. 48, treoufaest 19. 17, 
getreoudon 18. 9 (EB. 467). 

Final w is vocalized after a long vowel in hiorodes 
2. 13 (<*hrw-rsed, S. 43, anm. 4). 

hiogwuise is doubtful; hiuuisc 13. 25, 14. 21, 21. n, 
would point to the ground-form hiw-. In this case the 
g is inorganic, and io may be on the analogy of hiorodes 
(cf. Lind. 2 40, anm. ; 122). Cook (GL) takes it to be from 
hig-, a view that is supported by the word higo 2. 4, 
12. 42, of similar meaning. 



62. I. Initial j is expressed by i in foreign proper 
names : iacobes 1. 33, iares I 5. 20, iones 11. 29, iudisca 
I 7. io ; by hi in hie I 9. 18 (Jericho); otherwise it is 
written g : gife 12. 45, ger I 4. 6, gungra 15. 12. 

II. Medial j is lost after a long closed syllable ; for 
examples cf. 105, 1(6) (Tense-Formation of Wk. Vbs.Cl.I), 
and 114, 115 (jo-, ja- stem nouns). It is lost also 
regularly between vowels : ece I 9. 16, eade 4. 42 
(-djo + da, EB. 118), freond 7. 34, fiondes 10. 19, ge- 
freod I 8. 19, tuoera I 5. 14, $rio- 12. 52 (besides ftriga 
22. 61). 

j is retained, written as g, between vowels in boege 

1. 7, boego 1. 6, tuoge 2. 24, ftriga 22. 61, ceigeS I 5. 7, 
&c. ; after a short vowel + r in herganne 19. 37, hergendo 

2. 20, hergas 9. 18, hergum 11. 29. 

For the i (ig) of wk. vbs. 01. II, cf. S. 175, anm. 

III. Final j is very rare: aeg 11. 12, geceig 14. 13. It 
appears written as -eg in the imper. getrymeg 22. 32. 



E 2 



52 CONSONANTS 



CHAPTER VII. LIQUIDS AND NASALS 



63. I. r is frequent in all positions : ricu 4. 5, hrippe 
12. 42, fruma 12. 12, seteras 20. 20, geher 4. 8. 

II. Metathesis of medial r occurs (a) where r originally 
preceded a vowel followed by nn or s-combinations : ber- 
neft 15. 8, bernende 24. 32, etc. (cf. Got. brannjan) ; -ern 
in gestern 22. n, berern 12. 24 (<*r9snni, <*razn, cf. 
Got. razn), gsers 12. 28 (cf. grsesum Mk. 4. 32), iornende 
12. 17, arn 15. 20 (cf. Got. rinnan), daerst 12. i, "Surscon 
22. 63, geftorscen 20. 10 ; also in "Sirddan 24. 7, ftirdde 
20. 12, &c. (cf. ftridda, John 21. 14) ; and perhaps forma 
19. 1 6 (besides fruma I 2. 12), &c. ; in this case however 
there may have been two parallel forms in Gmc. ; cf. 
S. 179, i ; Fii. 31, II ; (6) where r originally followed the 
vowel and preceded ht: frohtendes 14. 18, afryhtad 8. 23 
(besides forhtiga 21. 2, forhtende I 11. 12, afyrhtad 12. 4). 

III. r corresponds to Gmc. z in gecoren I 7. i, forlure 
15. 9, herganne 19. 37, hergendo 2. 20 (cf. Got. hazjan), 
betra 5. 39, betro 16. 8 (Got. batiza), mara 7. 28 (Got. 
maiza), earum 4. 21, eoro I 8. 15 (Got. auso); rr to Gmc. 
rz in serrum 11. 26 (Got. airiza) ; rd to Gmc. zd in hordern 
12. 24 (Got. huzd), meard 6. 35 (Got. mizdo). 

IV. r has fallen in endebrednise I 2. 8 (cf. "WS. on- 
bryrdnis), seldo 7. 30, seldum 9. 22 (besides aldro 2. 43, 
aldrum 21. 16). 

Assimilation of sr (<csz) to ss is simplified to s in leasa 
7. 28, w u yrso 11. 26 (Got. wairsiza); sr (= Gmc. sr)>ss 
>s in uses 1. 78 (S. 336, anm. considers that the assimila- 
tion has not taken place in these forms), usum 13. 26 
(besides usra 1. 55, &c.), $isa (dsf) 11. 50. 

r is omitted through a scribal error in ymbwaelde 9. 55. 

For grammatical change of r (<z) and s, cf. 79. 



LIQUIDS AND NASALS 53 



1. 

64. 1 occurs in all positions in the word ; it is fre- 
quently geminated : all 2. i, selles 22. 48, &c. 

Metathesis occurs in the suffixes -eld (<c-idl <-i)?l) 
and -els (cf. OHG. -isal) : foereld 1. 36, roeceles 1. 9. 

nb>ll in eellelno 24. 33, aBllefnum 24. 9. 

m. 

65. m is met in all positions : mett 12. 23, smeade 
12. 17 ; beam 6. 41 ; geminated in huommes 20. 17. 

m has fallen out before the voiceless spirant in: fifo 
12. 6, fif 7. 41, fiftih 16. 6. 



n. 



66. I. n has the force of a guttural nasal before c, g ; 
in all other positions it denotes the dental nasal. 

II. (a) n has dropped out with lengthening of the 
preceding vowel, before h in the Gmc. period, as in 
brohte 14. 20 (cf. 15, III) ; in the OE. period before the 
voiceless spirants f, ft, s : cyftfto 1. 61 ; cufto 2. 44, ofter 
22. 32, sifte 23. 22, muft 1. 64, pisum 15. 16, us 13. 25, 
soft 16. 12, suifte 9. 43; toftana 13. 28; uftwutto 22. 66 
yftana 21. 25. 

(6) n has dropped without lengthening in unaccented 
syllables: fracoft 16. 15 (<*fra-cuft), gigofte 18. 21 
(<*jugunft) ; and in 3 pi. ind. of verbs, cf. Chap. XII, 
The Personal Endings of the Verb, 81 ff. 

(c) The dropping of the nasal does not take place if 
its position before the spirant has come about through 
syncope : clsensunges 2. 22. 

III. (a) For the characteristic North, dropping of n in 
the infin., the pret. opt. pi., cf. 81 ff. ; in the oblique cases 
of weak nouns, cf. 121, 122, 123; in adverbs, cf. 131, 
VI. It is also dropped in seofa I 7. u, in the verbal 



54 CONSONANTS 

forms: aro 24. 38, wero 16. 12, weoro I 9. 9 ; and by a 
scribal error in taco 2. 34. 

(&) n is dropped between i and g in cynig 9. 7, &c. ; 
but in all other forms than the nom., ace. sing., the full 
ending -ing appears : cyninges 1. 5, cyningas 22. 25, &c. 




CHAPTER VIII. LABIALS 



67. Initial p is rare in Gmc. words ; it occurs in 
16. 26, 3. 5, priclom I 3. 6, plaegade 7. 32 ; and in 
the following loan-words: pinia 8. 28, pisum 15. 16, pocca 
9. 3, plseccum 14. 21, portcuoene 7. 37, and in the compound 
heafodponna 23. 33. 

Medially and finally it is more frequent: woepeno 

11. 22, spilde 17. 27, scip 15. 6, &c. 
Loan-words : discipul 6. 40, sinapis I 8. 6. 

It is geminated in uppstigende 12. 54, geypped 12. 2, 
earlippricco 22. 50. 

b. 

68. I. b (Gmc. fe) is the sign for the labial media ; 
initially it is common, but medially and finally appears 
only in gemination and in the combination mb ; initially : 
baerlic I 3. 8, bano 24. 39, bed 5. 18, brededes 1 11. 14, &c. ; 
medially: hsebbend 7. 2, habbaft 3. 8, &c. (simplified in 
habas 9. 3), sibbe 7. 50, sibbo 14. 12, lombro 10. 13; 
finally: sibb 1. 79, ymb 9. 12, &c. 

bb is written pb in uppbepbing 1 10. n, sipbade I 11. 

12, and pp in sipp 8. 48. 

b is merely a euphonic insertion in: symbles 13. 14, 
getimbras 11. 48, getimbrade 7. 5. 

II. Gmc. t> is represented medially by f, which in this 
position has the sound-value of a labio-dental voiced 



DENTALS 55 

spirant : haefo 17. 9, ofer 12. 42, stafum 23. 38, wifo 17. 27, 
hlafas 24. 35, gewoefen 14. 10. 

Loan-words: febere 4. 39, diobla I 7. 5. The labial 
media has become the labial semi- vowel in diowel 14. io~, 
diwle 13. 32, &c. 

III. Finally Gmc. b appears in OE. as f : fordraf 14. 16, 
hlaf 4. 3. 

f. 

69. f is the sign for both the voiced and voiceless 
labio-dental spirant. 

Initially it corresponds to Gmc. f and is voiceless: 
fingeres 16. 24, fola I 10. 2 ; flod 17. 27, full 2. 40, &c. 
Medially it corresponds partly to Gmc. ft (cf. 68, II, for 
examples) ; partly to Gmc. f : ulfum 10. 3, groefa 12. 58, 
heofon 10. 15, hefig 11. 7, ahefen 10. 15, fifo 1. 24, &c. 

f geminated by j appears as bb: ahebba 18. 13, aheb- 
bendum 6. 20. 

f is used for ph in the foreign proper name $eofi 
13. ii. 

CHAPTEE IX. DENTALS 

t. 

70. The dental tenuis t occurs in all positions : tanas 
23. 3, tido 21. 24, tuigo 18. 12, ceiste 7. 14, awrit 16. 7. 
It occurs geminated in byttum 5. 37, sittas 24. 49. 

d is used for t in sed I 7. 3 (only time in the preposi- 
tion) ; in composition sed always appears in Luke in the 
forms of sedeaua 6. 46, sedgesedre 23. 48 (besides setgeadre 
7. 49, sethrine'S 16. 13, sethran 10. n), huaed 12. 29 (fifty 
times, besides huset 8. 9), hlod I 3. 4, ondedende 1 11. 8, 
unrod I 9. 16, sexdeih 24. 13, ftread 6. 19 ; frl in husetd 
I 7. 13 ; dt in hlodti 1. 9. 

th>dl in sedle 1. 52, sedlo 20. 46. 

Loan-words : Latin t appears as d in aecced 23. 36. 



56 CONSONANTS 



71. The dental media occurs in all positions : dom 
10. 14, forduindefl 14. 34, bead 22. 30; geminated in 
biddo 8. 28, biddas 13. 24, &c. ; for forms doubled by the 
scribe, cf. under Gemination, 77. 

d>t (a) before voiceless sounds: gitsare I 7. 14, git- 
suncge 12. 15, miltheart 6. 36, &c, miltsa 16. 24 (but d 
remains in mildsa 18. 39, and is lost altogether in milsa 
17. 13, 18. 38). It is lost in hunteantig 8. 8. (6) after 
voiceless sounds, especially in the prets. of weak verbs 
Class I (cf. Inflection, 105 (2)) : geneolecte 7. 12, geboette 
I 7. 5, gecyste 22. 47, &c. 

t is irregularly written for d in getdung I 7. 3, heart- 
breer 17. 6 ; and in the pret. parts, of the following weak 
verbs (cf. Inflection, 97, 105 (3) (a)) : gesettet 6. 48, 
sendet 1. 19, gelsedet 23. 32, geendat 22. 22, &c. 

t> is irregularly written for d in : be'Son 8. 37, naroneSe 
I 8. 6, iSerneleger' 15. 13, geondetaft 12. 8 ; and in the 
foreign proper names: soflomom 10. 12, iuflea 21. 12, 
eftgeniuaS 6. 10. 

After a cons. + d or t, d is lost, cf. examples under Tense- 
Formation of Weak Verbs, Class I, 105 (2): abandon 
24. 5, gesendon 21. i, gehrseston 13. 19, &c. For gram- 
matical change of d and $, cf. 79. 



72. The dental spirant is usually denoted by $ and 
appears in all positions: $ah 18. 4, 'Sornas 8. 7, $read 
3. 7, broker 6. 42, cweS 24. 19. It is also sometimes used 
in foreign proper names for th : marSa 10. 38, obeying 
3. 23, fteofi I 3. ii (th is more frequent: nathaning 3. 31, 
arimathia 23. 51, lothes 17. 28). 

The sign *p is regularly employed only as an abbrevia- 
tion for $set: ^te 5. 24 (Sgette only in 9. 12), o$$f 21. 32. 



DENTALS 57 

]? is found besides in faam 24. i, ]/m 20. 28, J?one 1. 59. 

Note. The second instance may be due to an error in printing, as 
Skeat in his Preface, p. vii, mentions only the first and the last. 

$ is gemmated in oSSe 2. 37, oSSa 22. 27, sr$$a 7. 45, 
soiSSa 13. 7. Apparent gemination is caused by the loss 
of i in wraaSifo 21. 23 (<*wra]?i]?o). 

Original lj?>ld : wulder I 4. i, wuldro 4. 22. 

Original ]>\ > dl after a long vowel : adlo 21. 1 1, nedles 
18. 25 ; and after a short vowel in sedle 1. 52, sedlo 20. 46. 
}?l>tl in seatlas 11. 43, 20. 46. 

t + $>tt: ftsette 9. 12. 

$ + $ remains unchanged : wrse&So 21. 33 (but simpli- 
fied in wrafte 3. 7, wraiSo 4. 28), mi$$y 12. 54, mifrSio 
14.8. 

iS + d generally remains, as: IseiSdon 1. 71, but t> is 
assimilated in cydde 17. n. 

An interchange between % and d takes p]ace in haedno 
12. 30, hsedna 22. 25, hsednum 21. 24; besides hseSin 

17. 1 6, hsBftinra 21. 25, hasiSnum 18. 32. 

d is wrongly written for -5 in bid 8. 17, edmodnise 

18. 10, haeled I 6. i, cymed 8. 17, daet 9. 27 ; t in inting 
8. 47 (3 only three times in Luke: inking 23. 14, 22, 
iniSinges 23. 4) ; k3 = $$ in moh$a 12. 33. 

]? corresponds to WS. d in raeiSe 18. 8, hundra$ 15. 4, &c., 
miiS 8. 51, &c. ; to WS. t in legeiS 11. 36, legeSslaeht 
10. 1 8 (cf. Fo. 40). 

5 is dropped in cuas I 9. 4, cuoe 15. 31. 



s. 

73. s appears frequently in all positions : sagum I 2. 
10, scipe 5. 3, nestum 3. 14, his I 3. 8; geminated in 
cyssende 15. 20. 

s is assimilated to n in iSionne 12. 5. 

The affricate ts is denoted by ts or z ; it is foreign to 
Gmc. and appears only where through vowel syncope 



58 CONSONANTS 

t or d and s have come together: gitsare I 7. 14, &c. 
z is used only in foreign proper names : nazareth 2. 4, 
nazar 2. 39, nazarenisca 18. 37. c is used for the same 
sound in the loan-word plsscum 10. 10, plgeccum 14. 21 
(S. 205, anm. i). 

c is wrongly used for s in oncseccen 12. 9. 




CHAPTER X. VELAES AND PALATALS 



c. 

74. The velar and palatal tenuis c occurs in all 
positions : cild 1. 41, clseno 11. 41, crsefte 1 2. i, fisc 11. IT, 
scyld 18. 19 ; geminated in waccane 12. 38, &c; doubled 
by the scribe in bsecc 17. 31, gebrsecc 9. 16, &c. 

Final c in unstressed syllables often occurs as h: ah 
16. 2,1 (forty times, ac only once: I 6. 18), ahne 4. 22, 
iwh 11. 47, "Seh 1. 35 (three times ; "Sec 23. 37, 155 times), 
meh 4. 1 8 (three times ; mec 22. 53, seventy times), usih 
7. 20 (four times; usic 1. i, four times), g appears 
in usig I 3. 7. h takes the place of c before t in lehtune 
13. 19. 

In the combination nc, frequently c is replaced by g, 
eg, gc: dringes 17. 8, dring 12. 19, drincga 22. 30, 
druncgnia 12. 45, fordrycga 11. 53, arecganne I 3. 7 ; also 
after a short vowel in baecg 9. 62, gebrsecg 22. 19, indi- 
cating palatalization (EB. 495, anm. 2). sg for sc is 
written in gebearsgip 5. 29. 

c is dropped at the end of a monosyllable in me 22. 67, 
iSe 15. 29, &c., &c. 



g. 

75. g is frequent in all positions: gastes 4. 14, geafa 
2. 40, god 18. 1 8, arg 18. 18, oferhygdego 1. 51. 

Geminated g is written eg, cc, or gc, when gemina- 



VELARS AND PALATALS 59 

tion is due to "WGr. gj : bycgendo 19. 45, forhycganne 
11. 42, ssegcas 7. 22, bebyccendo I 10. 5 ; the gemination 
is simplified in bebycane 17. 16. 

g has passed into h at the end of a word after a long 
guttural vowel in genoh 22. 38 ; after a short palatal 
vowel in hehstalde 1. 27, -es 1. 27 (but cf. hegstald 
Matt. I 14. n) the change here may be due to the voice- 
less sound immediately following. The same change 
occurs in an unstressed syllable in Srittih 3. 23 (besides 
Srittig I 4. 8), fiftih 16. 6, fifteih 7. 41, &c. (cf. S. 214, 
anm. i) ; the intermediate writing is met in eghSer 7. 42. 

In the combination ng, sometimes c and eg are written 
for g, denoting palatalization (EB. 495, anm. 2) : gehyn- 
cres 6. 21, gestrenced 1. 80, gitsuncge 12. 15, nednimincg 
11. 39, stencgum 22. 52, gestrencgnd 2. 40, &c., and the 
loan-word encgel 22. 43. 

g is sometimes lost between a short palatal vowel and 
a consonant with consequent lengthening of the vowel 
(S. 214, 3 ; EB. 530) : maedne 8. 50 (besides msegdne 
I 6. i), waghrael 23. 45 (besides hrsegle 10. 13), gehrineS 
7. 39, &c. (cf. 8) ; between two vowels in geseen 19. 37, 
22. 24 (besides gesegen 1. 3) ; and between two conso- 
nants in merne 18. 33. 

-ig is shortened to -i in syndrio 2. 3, 1 9. n, syndria 
9. 10, hefia 9. 39. 



76. I. Initial h stands before all vowels and in the 
combinations hi, hr, hn, hw. As it was merely a weak 
breathing, it is often written where it does not etymo- 
logically belong, and, on the other hand, historic h is 
often dropped. 

Etymologically incorrect h is found before 1: hlsetto 
24. 25, hlaetmest I. 8. 7, &c., hlatto 12. 45, gehleafo 8. 25, 
gehleafas 12. 28, oferhlsefeft 11. 41, hlifigiendra 20. 30, 
hlifiga$ 20. 38 ; before n : hniSriendo I. 6. 12, gehnrSra 



60 CONSONANTS 

6. 37, gehniftrad 6. 37 (three times) ; before r : hreaferas 
I 9. 3, hreafera 19. 46, hraest I 8. n, hrsesto 14. 7, 
hrsewendn I 9. 4, hriord 14. 12, hrippes 19. ai, hriopaS 
12. 24, gehrinaS 11. 46 (for the h in this word cf. Lind. 
2,8, amn. a) ; before a vowel : haldormon 5. 5, (hund)- 
hsehtatih 2. 37. 

Historical h is lost before a consonant in laferd I 10. 7, 
raeiSe 18. 8 ; in the second member of the compounds : 
ebolsaS 12. 10, ondeto 10. ai, anlapum 4. 40; after an 
unaccented vowel in nsebbende 3. n. hw appears as ch 
in chuselc 9. 48. 

II. Medial h appears as g in heigsta 1 11. 17, suoeger 
12. 53, suegir 12. 53, gesigSe 9. 52. 

Medial simple h and hw are lost between vowels : 
fleaft 8. 13, onfoaS 9. 48, &c. (cf. 53 for other examples) ; 
after a voiced consonant and before a vowel, in suira 
15. 20 (EB. 529), yrl 18. 25 (<r*Syrhil, S. 218 ; EB. 529), 
holo 16. 12, holas 9. 58 (<c*holhas, EB. 529). hw is kept 
in genehuaft 16. 13, genehuade 15. 15 (cf. 61, II). 

Medial h is lost after a vowel and before a voiced con- 
sonant: hera 22. 26, heanise 5. 4, geneolecaft 21. 20, 
gesene 10. 31, bituen 22. 17 (cf. 37) ; and with gemma- 
tion of the following n : heannisum 2. 14 (S. 222, anm. 2). 
Geminated h remains written as cc in pocca 9. 3. For 
the retention of h in ehras 6. i, tseherum 7. 38, tehrum 
7. 44, pointing to an earlier gemination, cf. S. 222, 
anm. 4. The original combinations ht, hs, are retained : 
leht 11. 35, inlihte 1. 79, seniht 9. 36, reht 13. 16, brohton 
23. i, gesohte I 2. 2, oht 1. 51, &c. ht is written as ght 
in ssnight 20. 40. hs (generally written as x) : inlixade 
23. 54, oxa 14. 5, awox 2. 40, &c. 

Exceptions : wsestmo I 8. 1 8, wsestmum I 3. 8 (cf. Got. 
wahsts), seista 1. 26. h has fallen before s also in heiste 
1. 32, heista 8. 28, heisto 1. 35, if the syncope of the 
vowel took place before the fall of h ; in which case the 
development would be : *;>hehista *>hehsta *>hesta, 



GEMINATION, ETC. 61 

heista ( 14). If h fell first, the development would be 
more direct : *hehista *heista. The latter development 
is more in accordance with North, usage (S. 166, 6), but 
the form heigsta (cf. above) points rather to the former. 
III. Final h remains : feh 8. 43, ahoh 23. 21, bituih 

I. 25, &c. It appears as g in geslog 22. 50 (probably on 
the analogy of the plural), and in the compound wigbed 

II. 51 (-c*wih-beod, S. 43, anm. 4). 



CHAPTER XI. GEMINATION, &c. 

77. For a treatment of the doubling and the simpli- 
fication of consonants in relation to the length of the 
preceding vowels, cf. Luick, Archiv. 102. 58 ff. ; Fo. 45. 

Gmc. gem. of 1 is found in: all 2. i, falleS 11. 17, feoll 
5. 12, full 11. 39, godspell I 2. 6, spellendo 24. 15, spilled 
17. 33, scilling 15. 9; of r: gecerrefi 1. 16, &c., eftcerrdon 
23. 48, fearr 7. 6, fearra 15. 20, firr 24. 28, gemerras 13. 7, 
gemerredo 12. n ; of m: huommes 20. 17 ; of n : binna 
2. 1 6, acenned 13. 14, onginnes 13. 25, monno 1. 27, 
penninga 7. 41, sunna 21. 25, Wynnes I 2. 8 ; of s : cyssende 
15. 20, cossetunges 7. 45 ; of $ : O%%Q I 4. 3, o$i$a 22. 27 ; 
it is, however, doubtful if this is Gmc. doubling (S. 226). 

II. WG. gem. before j appears in habbaft 3. 8, hsebbend 
7. 2, wseccsBS 21. 36, middum 2. 46, biddo 8. 28, bebycgeft 
12. 33, selles 22. 48, acuellas I 7. 12, cynn 21. 10, synno 
7. 47, sitt 16. 6, geteller 14. 28, awecce 3. 8, mett 12. 23, 
nett 5. 6, helle 10. 15, &c. 

fj>bb: ahebbaft 14. n, &c. (cf. 69); hh;>cc: 
pocca 9. 3. 

III. Gemination through the falling together of two 
originally separated consonants appears in ungeleaffullo 
1. 1 7, geliffsesta 17. 33, rummod 6. 35, wrseiS'So 21. 23, &c. 

IV. Double writing of a simple consonant after short 
vowels: onsseccest 22. 34, accened I 3. 14, bsecc 17. 13, 



62 CONSONANTS 

beloccen 11. 7, arisson 24. 32, sprsecc 9. u, bsedd 9. 40, 
goddes 6. 4, droppo 22. 44, ongetten 8. 17, agotten 5. 37, 
besmitten 14. 34, toslitten 6. 49, snyttro 11. 49, wittnessa 
22. 71, eftssett 7. 15, &c., getrummade 3. 18, &c. ; after 
long vowels : lyttel 19. 13, 7. 47, gebrucca 22. 15, onget- 
ton 20. 19, and the loan-word ftraelles 12. 46. 

V. Historical gemination at the end of a word is 
regularly retained, but there are occasional exceptions : 
mon 6. 45, aften 6. 10, selenis I 3. 4, lesnis 2. 38. 

Simplification is frequent within the word at the end 
of a syllable: syngiges 16. 18, acendon 23. 29, gecerde 
15. 17, gecyste 22. 47, spilde 17. 27, waldest 13. 34, un- 
geleafulnise I 6. 9, aftenide 6. 10. 

Simplification of gemination always enters after r 
that has suffered metathesis: iornende I 2. 7, berneft 
15. 8, iSirde 13. 32 (the geminated form occurs only once 
in Luke : -Sirrde 20. 12). 

Simplification is also met in acennise 12. 16, degelnise 
11. 33, cyiSnise 1. 72, onlicnese 8. 4, wra$e 3. 7, "Sisa 

11. 50, ftasum 9. 28 (Sassum 14. 6), bebycane 17. 16, 
habas 9. 3, ssego 19. 40, selenne 1, 77, seles I 4. 8, wseco 

12. 39, lycedon I 5. i. 

The Groups ft, ht, st. 

78. As the law governing these groups was in force 
only in the Gmc. period, it is unnecessary to illustrate it 
in detail here ; cf. S. 232. 

Grammatical Change. 

79. Cf. S. 233, 234. 

Change of s and r (<cz) : geceas 6. 13, gecoren 8. 15. 

$ and d : geworSes 1. 20, geworden I 3. 4, gecuoeiS 
11. 53, gecuoedo 9. 21 ; perhaps fremSe 24. 18 and WS. 
fremde ; mr3 (192 times), and WS. mid. 

h and g : onfoaiS 9. 48 (<;*fanhan), onfenge 16. 25 ; seas 



GEMINATION, ETC. 63 

24. 39 (<*sehan), gesegon 5. 26 ; geslaa 18. 13 (<c*slahah), 
geslsegen 22. 7, slogon 22. 64 ; geftuoa 7. 38 (<*wahan), 
ge'Suoge 7. 46; perhaps teigftuncgas 18. 12, and WS. 
teo-Sa (Fii. 47). 

Svarabhakti. 

80. For the development of secondary or epenthetic 
vowels before and out of syllabic 1, r, m, n, cf. 59. 

Similarly, inorganic vowels have developed in the 
following words after r, 1, and before g : burug 10. 9, 
byrig 4. 23 (besides burg 4. 29 without the secondary 
vowel, five times), mettbselig 22. 35. If the development 
suggested by Lind. 2 63, anm. 2 is correct, meric 11. 42 
belongs here. 




PART II 
INFLECTION 

THE VERB 
CHAPTER XII. THE PERSONAL ENDINGS 

f 

Present Indicative. 

81. First Person Singular. The regular ending of 
the strong verbs and of Classes I and III of the weak 
verbs is -o ; in the weak verbs of Class II great variety 
prevails. 

Examples. (i) Strong verbs: biddo 8. 28, bebiodo 23. 
46, cymo 19. 13, ondredo 18. 4, eto 17. 8, fraegno 22. 68, 
forgefo 23. 16, forgeldo 10. 35, leto 13. 18, geongo 14. 19, 
tostondo 1. 19, aworpo 6. 42. 

The only variation from this ending that occurs in 
Luke is the -a in geonga 15. 18, and the -e in forlette 5. 5. 

(a) Weak verbs, Class I: doeomo 19. 22, faesto 18. 12, 
fylgo 9. 57, hero 15. 29, ondeto 10. 21, wraeco 18. 5. 

-a appears in sedeaua 6. 47, doema 13. 18; no other 
variations from the regular ending occur in this class. 

(3) "Weak verbs, Class II : -igo, in agnigo 18. 12, endigo 
13. 32, bodigo 2. 10, losigo 15. 17, somnigo 12. 17, sceomigo 
16. 3, 18. 4, Srouigo 16. 24 ; -ega in iSolega 22. 15. 

-o, -a in faesto 23. 46, ftola 9. 41. 

(4) Weak verbs, Class III : -o in hsefo 12. 17, saego 19. 
40 ; contraction takes place in ftrea 23. 22. 

Apocope of the final vowel appears in haefic 11. 6. 



THE PERSONAL ENDINGS 65 

82. Second Person Singular. Various endings occur 
here. 

Examples. (i) Strong verbs : -es, cuoeftes 18. 19, cymes 
23. 42, ondredes 23. 40, dringes 17. 8 ; -ses, onfoses 20. 21; 
-as, cuoeftas 8. 45, inginnas 14. 9 ; -st, gesiist 6. 41 ; 
-est, cuoeftest 12. 41, onsseccest 22. 34 (for this ending, cf. 
Lea 1 06"). 

(2) "Weak verbs, Class I : -es, accennes 1. 31, gehyncres 
6. 21, laeres 20. 21, gescendes 12. 33, woenes 1. 66; -est, 
woenest 8. 25 ; -as, timbras 11. 47, wyrcas 11. 45 ; -is, 
woenis 18. 8 ; -a$, stasnaiS 13. 34. 

(3) "Weak verbs, Class II: -as, leornas 10. 26, eftlocas 
6. 42, efnesceauas 6. 41 ; -ias, wor<5ias 4. 7. 

(4) "Weak verbs, Class III : -es, hsefes 18. 32 ; -e$, haBfeft 
12. 19, 18. 22 ; -as, ofergiuas 10. 35. 

83. Third Person Singular. 

(1) Strong verbs : -eft, gebiddeft 14. 32, cymeiS 3. 16, 
cuoeiSe'S 13. 25, forgefeS 7. 49, forleteS 15. 4, nimeiS 13. 33, 
ariseS 1. 78, sitteft 14. 28, singeiS I 4. i, tosliteS 5. 37, 
aworpeft 11. 15 ; -ed for -e$, in cymed 8. 17 ; -a$, brucaft 

14. 15, cuoeiSaS 14. 10, etaS 15. a, onsaeccaft 9. 23, onwopa^S 
21. 12, oferwriga'S 1. 35, toslitaS 5. 36 ; -seS, tocymseS 11. 2, 
delfseft 6. 48, onfoseS 9. 48, onssecseiS 14. 33, tostraegdseiS 

11. 23 ; -es, Serhgebiddes I 7. 4, bites 9. 39, fseres 16. 30, 
cymes 12. 37, cuoe^es 11. 5, gefindes 15. 9, forletes 16. 18, 
nimmes 19. 22, hrippes 19. 21, gerises 1 3. 8, singes 22. 34, 
spreces 5. 21, worses 1. 34; -as, gefraignas 19. 31, forletas 
16. 1 8, forsuelgas 20. 47 ; -ses, cuoeftses 12. 45, gegrindses 
20. 1 8. 

Entirely without ending is the anomalous form ge- 
swuing 12. 48. 

(2) Weak verbs, Class I: -e$, gebegeft 18. 14, berneiS 

15. 8, ceige$ 20. 44, eftgecerreS 10. 6, foedeft 12. 24, fylgeS 
9. 23, gehereiS 6. 47, gegyrdeft 12. 37, geheneiS 10. 16, 
geneolaceS 21. 28, IsedeS 16. 18, gelefeS 16. n, gelsereiS 

12. 12, sileS I. 6. 14, sete$ 18. 12, teleiS 10. 16, tyneS 

F 



66 THE VERB 

13. 25, woeneft 8. 18 ; -ed for -eft appears in hseled 16. i; 
-aft, gebirgaft 14. 24, gebegaft 14. n, geheraft 8. 8, hyhtaS 
12. 46, geneolecaft 21. 20, Isedaft 9. 23, mercaft I 9. 15, 
sendaft 12. 58, -Senegal 14. 31, woenaft 12. 46, gewyrcaft 
9. 25 ; -es, fylges 9. 49, henes 10. 16, Iseftues 14. 26, selles 

11. 8, getelles 14. 28, tountynes 2. 23 ; -as, gemerras 13. 7. 

(3) Weak verbs, Class II : -aft, cnyllsaft 12. 36, gegearuaft 

12. 28, gehlinaft 22. 27, behofaft 12. 12, geliffsestaft 17. 33, 
efernlocaft 24. 29, forloraft 15. 4, losaft 9. 24, lufaft 7. 5, 
miclaft 1. 46, somnaft 3. 17, tsecnaft I 8. 3, -Sreataft I 6. 8, 
wilnaft 5. 39, gewundraS I 11. 9 ; -a'Se for -aft occurs in 
gefsestnafte I 11. 13, foregearwafte 7. 27 ; -aeft in lufseft 
16. 13; -iaft, clioppiaft 9. 38, hersumiaft 17. 6, gesceomiaft 
9. 26, willniaft 19. 31, wundriaft 1. 46 ; graphic variations 
of this ending (cf. S. 175, 2) occur in somnigaft 11. 23, 
gesceomigaft 9. 26, synngigaS 17. 3, agnegseft 12. 44 
( = agni8BiS); -eft, clsenseft 3. 17, synngeft 16. 18, becneft 
I 3. ii. 

The ending -ieft occurs in the form -igeft in agnigeft 

12. 15 (besides the contamination-form agnageft 11. 21, 
cf. S. 412, anm. 3) ; the ending -ies in the form -iges in 
agniges 14. 33, syngiges 16. 18. 

(4) Weak verbs, Class III: -eft, hafeft 17. 9, saegeft 

13. n, forhogeft 16. 13, gefiweft 16. 13, giueft 11. n ; 
-aft, habbaft 8. 15, giuaft 11. 12 (besides giuiaft 11. 10, 
which belongs to Class II) ; smeaft 14. 31, geftraft 9. i ; 
-es, haefes 19. 26, lifes 4. 4 ; -is, hsefis 19. 25. 

As the above examples show, the theme-vowel is not 
syncopated in 2 and 3 sing. (S. 358, 2). 

84. Plural. The same confusion of the endings -aft, 
-eft, -as, -es appears here as in the 3 sing. 

(i) Strong verbs: -aS, gebiddaft 11. 2, cuoeftaft 4. 23, 
cymaft 5. 35, eotaft 5. 33, onfoaft 6. 34, niomaft 4. n, 
arisaft 18. 33, onsaeccaft 20. 37, sittaft 21. 35, astigaft 
24. 38, wsexaft 12. 27, auorpaft 6. 22, winnaft 12. 27 ; -aeft, 
onfoasft 10. 10, ofstigaeft 21. 21; -eft, abideft 7. 19, oncnaueft 



THE PERSONAL ENDINGS 67 

8. 10, cymeft 12. 6, infsereft 10. 8, hlseheft 6. 21, geongeft 
7. 22, astigeft 18. 31, gesuingeft 18. 33, aworpeft 11. 19 ; 
-as, abidas 7. 20, biddas 13. 24, cuoeftas 20. 5, cymas 17. i, 
drincas 5. 30, ettas 5. 30, geongas 4. 36, grindas 17. 35, 
haldas 8. 15, hlaehas 6. 25, sceadas 6. 22, sittas 1. 79 ; -ses, 
forgefses 11. 4 ; -es, ondredes 8. 25, geonges 11. 44, slepes 
22. 46, geworftes 1. 20. 

(2) Weak verbs, Class I : -aft, forabrengaft 21. 30, 
bebyrgaft 9. 60, acuoellaft 21. 16, eauaft 3. 7, fsestaft 5. 33, 
gehenaft 11. 32, foedaft 11. 44, geheraft 7. 22, hyhtaft 

6. 34, behofaft 12. 30, gelefaft 8. 13, geneolecaft 11. 48, 
Iseftaft 6. 27, oferlioraft 21. 33, hraesta-S 13. 29, sella^ 6. 38, 
telaiS 6. 22, woenaiS 12. 46, awoendaft 17. 31, semaiS 11. 46, 
woerdaS 8. 45 ; -seft, inlsedse^S 12. n, gelefse-S 16. 31 ; -eft, 
gebergeft 9. 27, eftbrengeiS 8. 14, gehereft 21. 9, Isedeft 
4. u, gelefeiS 22. 67, IseiSeft 6. 22; -as, acuellas I 7. 12, 
ahenas 23. 14, gelecgas 19. 44, gelefas 8. 12, biwserlas 

11. 42 ; -es, ceiges 6. 46, gemoetes 2. 12. 

(3) "Weak verbs, Class II : -iaft, wilniaft 12. 48 ; -igaft 
(a merely graphic variant of -iaft, S. 175, 2), agnigaft 
21. 19, hlinigaft 13. 29, Ipsigaft 16. 9, winigaft 6. 44, 
sinigaft 20. 35 ; -egeft (=-ieft), agnegeft 12. 33 ; -ias, 
wilnias 17. 22; -igas, willnigas 22. 71; -iges ( = -ies), 
ondsuariges 22. 68 ; -aft, clsensaS 11. 39, gecunnaft 12. 56, 
lufaft 6. 32, nestaft 12. 27, gesomnaft 6. 44, eftwilnaft 

12. 20 ; -eft, clsenseft 3. 17 ; -as, monigfaldas 6. 44, fatas 
20. 35, efthlaftas 14. 12, teigftas 11. 42. 

There are in addition a number of contamination-forms 
arising from the combination of the a and ia of the two 
endings -aft and -iaft (-igaft, -egaft), cf. S. 41 2, anm. 3 : 
agnagaft I 10. 15, aldagiaft 12. 33, costages 20. 23, bodagseft 

7. 22, losaiaft 8. 24, lufagiaft 6. 32 ; a particularly anoma- 
lous form occurs in clioppogaft 19. 40. 

(4) Weak verbs, Class III : -aft, habbaft 3. 8, ssecgaft 
24. 17, giuaft 12. 48; -as, habbas 12. 4; -igaft ( = iaft), 
hlifigaft 20. 38. 



F 2 



68 THE VERB 

Present Optative. 

85. Singular. The usual ending is -e, but -a is 
frequently met. 

(1) Strong verbs: -e, gebere I 7. 7, eftbidde 6. 30, 
cyme 1. 43, gec u oe$ 9. 33, ondrede 12. 5, ete 15. 23, fsere 
9. 57, infinde 18. 8, forgelde 12. 59, genime 12. 58, sprece 
1. 19 ; -a, cuoefta 18. so, getta I 3. 8, geonga 14. 18, nioma 
22. 36, onsseca I 6. 7, gesinga 22. 61, wrSspurna 4. u ; 
-se, hrinse 16. 24 ; -i is apparently the optative ending 
in gesii 18. 41 (Fii. 52, i), but of. S. 166, anm. a. 

(2) Weak verbs, Class I : -e, ofgebrenge 6. 42, gebygce 

9. 13, indepe 16. 24, Syncge 10. 36; -a, gebega 9. 58, 
byrga 9. 59, wyrca 9. 33 ; -SB, sellae 12. 42. 

(3) "Weak verbs, Class II : -ia, -iga, pinia 8. 28, sceortiga 
22. 32, gesynngiga 17. 4 ; -e, -ege, fultume 10. 40, hrior- 
dege 17. 8 ; besides the contamination-form gerixage 
19. 14. 

(4) Weak verbs, Class III : -e, -ige, haebbe 8. 18, gelifige 

10. 28. 

86. Plural. The endings are the same as in the 
sing., since original final n has fallen in Northumbrian. 

(1) Strong verbs: -e, gebidde 11. i, cyme 14. 17, 
geette 12. 22, geete 12. 29, oferfasre 2. 15, nime 9. 3: -a, 
ofercearfa 8. 33, coefta 9. 54, drincga 22. 30, eta 22. 30, 
gesea 2. 15, gworSa 8. 12 ; -o, cuoeSo 13. 35, cymo 
16. 28, 17. i. 

(2) Weak verbs, Class I : -e, gebygce 9. 13, here 
1. 74, gehere 16. 29, wyrce 13. 14. 

(3) Weak verbs, Class II : -iga, ondsuariga 21. 14. 

(4) Weak verbs, Class III : hsebbe 13. 3. 

Imperative. 

87. Singular. The second sing. imp. is regularly 
without ending in the strong verbs, and, with a few 



THE PERSONAL ENDINGS 69 

exceptions, in weak verbs of Class I. In weak verbs of 
Class II the ending is generally -a, but sometimes -ig ; 
in Class III few examples occur, and these vary between 
-e and no ending. 

(1) Strong verbs : ondred 1. 13, dring 12. 19, fger 13. 31, 
agef 6. 29, forgef 9. 59, forgeld 16. 2, let 5. 4, nim 5. 24, 
sitt 16. 6. 

Exceptions. bruce 12. 19, gescearfa 13. 9 (which may 
be only an apparent exception ; it glosses a Latin future, 
succides, and being followed by $u, may be a pres. ind. 
form with the final consonant ($) lost because of the 
following $, or it may be an opt. to express a command). 

(2) Weak verbs, Class I: long stems, breng 5. 14, 
geceig 14. 13, fylg 5. 27, foregyrd 17. 8, geher 4. 8, 
innlsed 14. 21, gelef 9. 61, oferleor 22. 42, gened 14. 23, 
raest 12. 19, untyn 13. 25, asend 4. 9, eftftencg 16. 25. 

Exceptions. foreswige4. 35, geceige 1. 13, 1. 31 (which, 
like gescearfa above, glosses the future, but is not in 
1. 13 followed by $u, and is therefore either imp. or 
opt.), sedeaua 5. 14 (on the analogy of Class II, cf. Fii. 

54- 2). 

Short stems : bebyg 18. 22, aiten 6. 10, wrsec 18. 3. 
For getrymeg 22. 32, cf. 62, III. 

(3) "Weak verbs, Class II: -a, costa 4. 12, gearua 17. 8, 
hlina 14. 8 (which, however, may be an opt. to express 
command, glossing the Lat. subjunc.), lufa 10. 27, mildsa 
18. 39, oefesta 19. 5, gewitga 22. 64, worSa 4. 8, wuna 
24. 29 ; -ig, hlinig 14. 10, gehlinig 17. 7, gebriordig 
12. 19, worSig 18. 20 ('a late formation,' S. 412, anm. 8); 
-e, lecne 4. 23, synnge 18. 20. 

geftreat 19. 39 may be a scribal error, S. 412, anm. 8. 

(4) Weak verbs, Class III : -e, hsefe 10. 35, 14. 18, 14. 19, 
ssege 8. 39 ; without ending, saeg 9. 60. 

88. Plural. The endings of the pi. imp. vary simi- 
larly to those of the pi. ind. with perhaps a preference 
for the theme-vowel -a. 



70 THE VERB 

(1) Strong verbs : -aft, gebiddaft 6. 28, blinnaft 22. 51, 
scearfaft 13. 7, cymaft 13. 14, cuoeftaft 10. 5, fseraft 9. 5, 
agefaft 20. 25 ; -eft, ondredeS 12. 5 ; -as, gebiddas 22. 40, 
unbindas 19. 30, cearfas 19. 27, cueftas 6. 28, ondredas 

12. 5, drincas 10. 7, eattas 10. 7, ageldas 20. 25, geftrincgas 

13. 24, letas 18. 16, sittas 24. 49 ; -es, fssres 9. 4, forgefes 
2. 29, beginnes 3. 8, forletes 2. 29. 

(2) "Weak verbs, Class I: -aft, gedroefaft 3. 14, groetaft 

10. 4, gemaft 10. 9, geheraft 9. 35, Isedaft 15. 23, sellaft 
15. 22, seallaft 6. 35, wyrcaft 3. 8 ; -seft, sedeauseft 20. 24 ; 
-eft, bebycgeft 12. 33 ; -as, todsalas 22. 17, hrendas 13. 7 ; 
-8BS, wseccaes 21. 36 ; -es, tobrenges 19. 27, gefylges 17. 23, 
laedes 19. 30, settes 9. 44. 

(3) Weak verbs, Class II: -igaft ( = iaft), lufigaft 6. 27 ; 
-egeft ( = -ieft), lecnegeft 13. 14; -igas (=ias), ceapigas 
19. 13, efnegeftongigas 15. 9; -iges ( = ies), lufiges 6. 35; 
-aft, cnyllsaft 11. 9, afearraft 13. 27, gearuaft 3. 4, grapaft 
24. 39, wunaft 9. 4 ; -eft, ondsuareft 20. 3 ; -as, bloedsas 
6. 28, gearuas 22. 8, locas I 10. 17 ; also the contamina- 
tion-form efnegeftoncaiges 15. 6. 

(4) "Weak verbs, Class III: -as, habas 24. 39, ssegcas 

7.22. 

89. Infinitive. I. The uninflected infinitive has lost 
its final -n, retaining the vowel as -a, -e, or occasionally 
as SB. 

Examples. (i) Strong verbs: -a, gebeara 10. 4, cuma 
18. 1 6, geeatta I 6. i, oferfara 10. 7, arisa 9. 22, wiftstonda 

11. 53, geworpa 11. 18; -aa, forbeadse 9. 50; -e, cume 

14. 20, ondrede 2. 10, gefraagne 20. 40, genime 12. 29, 
arise I 11. 8. 

(2) "Weak verbs, Class I : -a, gedoema 6. 37, foreglendra 
I 4. 15, hsela 9. 2, gehera 10. 24, sealla 8. 55, gesenda 
I 11. 14, soeca 22. 23, getimbra 14. 28, wyrca 5. 34 ; -33, 
geftencse I 7. 13, foreftencgaa 21. 14; -e, gebege 9. 12, 
ofercerre 16. 26, geece 12. 25, gefylle 15. 16, here I 8. 20, 
gesete 5. 1 8, awecce 3. 8. 



THE PERSONAL ENDINGS 71 

(3) Weak verbs, Class II: -ia and -iga, bodia 4. 19, 
geclaensia 5. 12, druncgnia 12. 45, geendia 14. 30, losia 
13. 33, gemersia I 7. 19, oferplontia 17. 6, gesomnia 
13. 34, ofwyrtrumia 17. 6, ge^rowia 9. 22, gewunia 19. 5, 
cnylsiga 13. 25, geendiga 14. 29, forhtiga 21. 9, eftlociga 
13. n, losiga 6. 9, somniga 12. 18, geso^faestiga 10. 29, 
"Srouiga 8. 28; -ige, -ege (=-ie), gestyrige 6. 48, ge- 
styrege 8. 49 ; -a, gemyndga 1. 72, gehniftra 6. 37. 

The infinitive ending -age which occurs in several 
words in this group is probably a late formation 
according to S. 412, arnn. 3 and 7 : bodage 16. 15, 
gebodage 1. 19, rixage 19. 27, agnage 17. 16, 10. 25, 
deadage 20. 36, gehriordage 17. 10; also hriordagaa 15. 24. 

(4) "Weak verbs, Class III: -a, habba 24. 39; -iga, 
lifiga 24. 23 (cf. S. 416, anm. 2) ; -ge, giuge 19. 23, ge- 
smeage 5. 21 (cf. S. 416, anm. 15). 

II. The regular ending of the inflected infinitive is 
-anne (also written -ane), but -enne sometimes appears 
in the strong verbs, and in weak verbs of Class I. 

Examples. (i) Strong verbs: bearanne23. 26,biddanne 
I 9. 12, brucanne 14. i, cummanne 12. 45, ymbcearfanne 
1. 59, geldanne 7. 41, saeccanne 4. 18, worpanne 19. 14; 
-enne, haldenne I 9. 15, forlettenno I 9. 12, saeccenne 
I. 9. 9, sawenne 8. 5. 

(2) "Weak verbs, Class I : -anne, heranne 14. 35, seal- 
lanne 12. 51, sendanne 5. 38, gesettanne I 7. 9, soecanne 
19. 10, spillanne 19. 47, wyrcanne 11. 42 ; -ane, bebycane 
I 7. 1 6, seallane 14. 14, soecane I 8. n ; -enne, hae- 
lenne 5. 17, 19. 10, selenne 1. 77, telenne 6. 7, wseccenne 
17. 17 ; -ene, fylgene I 8. 10. 

(3) "Weak verbs, Class II : -anne, cunnanne 14. 19, 
geendanne 14. 28, hriordanne 15. 32, waetranne I 8. 5 ; a 
syncopated form occurs in sceawnne 7. 26 (besides scea- 
wanne 23. 48). 

(4) "Weak verbs, Class III: -anne, habbanne 21. 36, 
forhycganne 11. 42. 



72 THE VERB 

90. Present Participle. The regular ending is -ende; 
-ande and -end are sometimes met, and very rarely -unde, 
after w. 

Examples. (i) Strong verbs: berende 2. 5, bidende 
1. 21, cymende 23. 26, cuoeftende 20. 5, ondredendum 

1. 50, fserende I 4. i, fraegnende 2. 46, metende 6. 38 ; 
-ande, fallande 4. 7, niomande I 9. 10; -end, frsegnend 
I 9. 9, bidend 2. 35, ondredend 2. 25, fserend 4. i, bidend 

2. 35, sprecend 12. 3, spraecend 1. 64 ; -unde, hrowundum 
8. 23. 

(2) "Weak verbs, Class I : -ende, bycgendo 19. 45, foed- 
ende 17. 7, herende 2. 46, laarende 5. 17, sellendo 11. 13, 
timbrende 20. 17, aueccende I 6. i, hergiendum I 10. i a 
(S. 400, i) ; -ande, foedandra 8. 32 ; -end, doemend 7. 7, 
eftdrsegend I 3. 6", laerend 13. 10. 

stonde 19. 32 has lost the participial ending, probably 
because of the nd of the pres. stem. 

(3) "Weak verbs, Class II : -(ig)ende, cnylsende I 7. 4, 
costende I 10. 8, forhtende I 11. 12, hlosnende 19. 48, 
hongende I 11. 8, laftendum 14. 7, hnrSriendo 16. 12, 
hrouendo I 9. 3, wuldrigendo 2. 20, hlingende 5. 29 (cf. 
S. 416, anm. 15), cliopende 3. 4; -ande, bodande I 5. 15, 
cnylsanda 11. 10, cunnande I 7. 20, lofande 24. 53, oefi- 
stande 2. 16, ymbsceawandum 6. 10, scimande 17. 24, 
"Safanda 22. 5, ftrouande I 6. 9, willnande I 7. 13, wun- 
drando 2. 33, lufiande 6. 32 ; the ending takes the form 
-sende in ondsuarsende 13. 25 ; -unde, sceaunde 22. 56. 

(4) "Weak verbs, Class III : -ende, haebbendum 7. 42, 
giwende I 7. 4, giwigende I 9. 13, giugende 6. 30, lifi- 
giende 10. 30, lifiende 24. 5 ; -ande, only in the contract 
verb smeande I 7. 10, foresmeande 1 10. 14. 

The Preterite Indicative. 

91. Strong verbs, singular. The i and 3 sing, have 
no ending, the 2 sing, ends in e. 



THE PERSONAL ENDINGS 73 

Examples. i and 3 sing. : bisuac 23. n, gescean 9. 29, 
bead I 10. 19, tosceaf 1. 52, gedranc 5. 39, ofcearf 9. 9, 
cwom 12. 49, gebsed 22. 32, gesuor 1. 73, forheald 15. 29. 

In bebeade 8. 29,ondrearde 18. 2, and stode 1. n, e is 
added, probably through a mistake due to a false feeling 
of analogy to the weak preterites aroused by the final 
d of the root. The analogy is truer in gebinde 24. 28, in 
which the strong pret. stem does not appear at all. 

2 sing. : cuome 4. 34, onfenge 16. 25, ongete 24. 18, 
geftuoge 7. 46. 

92. Strong verbs, plural. The ending of the plural of 
the pret. ind. varies between -on and -un, with -en once. 
The vocalic ending never appears in Luke (cf. Fii. 59). 

Examples: -on, beron 7. 14, bedon 4. 38, brecon 17. 27, 
cwoedon 8. 24, ondreardon 2. 9, gefrugnon 3. 10, ongetton 
20. 19, ongunnon 7. 49, nomon 11. 52, aslogon 22. 63, 
ymbsprecon 19. 7, fturscon 22. 63, wunnon 5. 5; -un, 
oncneaun 2. 50, frugnun 20. 27, ongunnun 5. 21, hlogun 
8. 53, gehrowun 8. 23 ; ftonagehrewun 8. 26, gesungun 

7. 32, ges u ungun 18. 32, geftuogun 5. 2; -en, gefreten 

8. 5. 

93. "Weak verbs, singular. The regular ending of the 
I and 3 sing, is -e ; of the 2 sing., -es and est. 

Examples. (i) Class I : i and 3 sing, -e, bohte 14. 18, 
brohte 14. 20, todoemde 23. 24, gefoede 15. 15, befoerde 
10. 30, herde I 2. 3, gerahte 24. 30 ; eftsette I 9. 19, spilde 
17. 27 ; -a occurs in one instance, gesohta 22. 31 ; the 
personal ending is lost in eftfoerd 4. 13, laerd 23. 5. 

2 sing. : -es, sedeauades 10. 21, saldes 19. 23, settes 19. 
21 ; -est, doemdest 7. 43, gehyddest 10. 21, saldest 7. 44, 
7. 45; -esd for -est, in gesaudesd 19. 21, a weak pret. of 
the strong verb gesawa. 

(2) Class II: i and 3 sing., becnade I 7. n, lufade 7. 
42, sceomade 18. 2, gemercade I 2. 7, getalade 11. 38, 
plsegade 7. 32 (cf. i, II (a)). The personal ending has 
been lost in lufad 7. 47. 



74 THE VERB 

2 sing. : geondsuaredes 10. 28. 

(3) Class III: i and 3 sing., hsefde 19. 20, ssegde 14. 21, 
lifde 2. 36, giude 23. 52, smeade 12. 17, geftreade I 10. n. 

94. Weak verbs, plural. The regular ending is -on. 

Examples. (i) Class I: underbrseddon 19. 36, bohton 
17. 28, offoerdon 8. 2, gehyrston 15. 2, gelserdon 13. 26, 
nedon 24. 29, rahton 22. 53, sohton 2. 48, ontrymmedon 
23. 23 ; -e in geherde 4. 23 (before the pronoun we). 

(2) Class II : gebecnadon 1. 62, bebodadon 12. 48, 
ahongadon 23. 39, geearnadon I 9. 3, geleornadon 6. 3, 
liccedon 16. 21, bereofadon 10. 30, wundradon 7. 16. 

The final n is lost in clioppado 23. 21, without a 
following pronoun. 

(3) Class III: ssegdon 16. 3, 7. 18, gesmeadon 20. 14, 
geftreadon 18. 15. 



Preterite Optative. 

95. Singular. The regular ending is e in both strong 
and weak verbs. 

Examples. (i) Strong verbs : gecurfe 1 11. 6, eftcuome 
17. 1 8, forlure 15. 9, gehrine 8. 47, awoxe 22. 31 ; aworpe 
11. 14; miswunne 12. 12, awrit 12. 13. 

(2) Weak verbs, Class I: acende 2. 6, geeaude I 2. 17, 
foerde 8. 29, haelde 7. 3, tahte 12. 14. 

(3) Weak verbs, Class II: fearrade 4. 42. 

(4) Weak verbs, Class III : giude 19. 23. 

96. Plural. The WS. ending -en occurs only twice in 
Luke, and e with dropping of the final n, once ; the more 
frequent forms are -on and -o ; for the relation of these 
different endings v. Lea 121. y, 

Strong verbs : -en, cuoedenlE 6. 5, gesegen I 3. 9. 

-on,*getedon 18. 10, ^gecuoedon 8. 56, bngeton 24. 16. 

-o, onfengo 8. 14, gehulpo 5. 7, genomo 20. 20, gesego 
24. 23, 24. 37. 

Weak verbs, Classes I and II : -on, geboeton 10. 1 3, 



THE PERSONAL ENDINGS 75 

gefoerdon 8. 31, saldon 2. 24, geendebrednadon 1. i, 
gehreawsadon 10. 13. 

Weak verbs, Class III : -e, hsefde 17. 6 ; -on, ssegdon 
1 10. 3. 

Preterite Participle. 

97. (i) Strong verbs. The pret. part, of the strong 
verbs regularly ends in -en : boren 21. 23, beboden I 9. 7, 
gedrifen 8. 29, besmitten 14. 34, &c. ; for other examples 
cf. 98 ff., Tense-Formation of Strong Verbs. 

The old ending -in perhaps appears in awrittinse 1 2. 5, 
cf. 55, II, Suffixal Ablaut. 

For syncope of the middle vowel in the inflected forms, 
cf. 60, III. 

The anomalous form harmcuoedum 6. 28, although it 
glosses a pres. part., appears to be intended for a pret. 
part., the -ed of the stem suggesting a false analogy to 
the -ed of the weak preterite part. 

(2) Weak verbs. The pret. part, of the weak verbs 
ends in -d with the appropriate middle vowel (cf. 105 ff., 
Tense-Formation of Weak Verbs) ; it ends in -t where 
there is no Gmc. middle vowel, and the final cons, of the 
stem is a velar (cf. 78). 

Examples : ofgebeged 24. 29, gegroeted 13. 15, alefed 
6. 9, geneded 14. 8, astyred 10. 41, asended 4. 26, gecostad 
4. 13, ahefigad 21. 34, losad 19. 10, gemersad 1. 65, 
gemyndgad 1. 54, geftreatad I 6. 9, gefreod I 8. 9, 12. 58, 
geSread 15. 14, gebroht I 5. n, eftgesald 14. 14, gesoht 
11. 50, awoeht I 5. 20. 

-3 is written for -d in eftgeniuaft 6. 10. 

-t for -d in geendat 22. 22, gelaedet 23. 32, gesendat 19. 
32, eftasettet 19. 20, foregesettet 19. 14, efnegesettet 7. 8, 
ymbsetet 21. 20, ofersurSet 14. u, gewoendet 17. 4. 



76 THE VERB 

CHAPTER XIII. TENSE-FORMATION OF STRONG VERBS 

Ablaut Verbs. 

98. Class I. 

(1) The vowel of the present stem is I: abidas 7. 20, 
bidend 2. 25, bites 9. 39, adrifa I 9. 15, hrinse 16. 24, 
arisa^S 18. 33, seined 17. 24, toslito 12. 18, astig 14. io, 
gesuica 18. i. 

ripan sometimes has the vowel short in the present, 
and is then subject to the o/a-umlaut : hrippes 19. 22, but 
hriopaS 12. 24 (Fit. 65. i). 

(2) The vowel of the i and 3 sing. pret. is a : fordraf 
14. 1 6, forgrap 5. 26, hran 7. 14, gehran 5. 13, aras 4. 39, 
geras 24. 26, ymbscean 2. 9 (for ea, due to the influence 
of sc, of. 52 (d)), astag 19. 4, adunestag 3. 22, besuac 19. 
8, awrat 20. 28. 

Late formations according to the weak inflection are 
seen in gegrippde 9. 38, gehrinade 18. 15, aduneastigade 
10. 30. 

(3) The vowel of the 2 sing., the pi. ind., and the 
whole optative pret. is i: arison 4. 29, astigon 5. 19, 
awrigon 22. 64, awrite I 2. 13 ; with io due to u-umlaut 
in gebiodon 2. 38. 

The weak form occurs in gegrippedon 23. 26. 

(4) The vowel of the pret. part, is i : ofadrifen 16. 4, 
toslitten 5. (5, gesliten 8. 29, besmitten 14. 34, bisuicen 

21. 8 ; awrigen 9. 45, auritten 4. 4. 

The weak form is found in gehrined 21. 5. 
99. Class II. 

(1) The stem- vowel of the pres. is ea (= WS. eo; for 
the confusion in North, between ea, eo, and io, cf. 13) : 
forbeadane 16. 1 1, forbeadende 23. 2 ; also in the con- 
tract verb fleaS 8. 13, gefleanne 21. 36 ; io appears in 
bebiodo 23. 46. u as the present vowel appears in brucco 

22. n, brucaft 14. 15, &c. 

(2) The stem- vowel of the i and 3 sing. pret. is ea : 



TENSE-FORMATION OF STRONG VERBS 77 

bead I 10. 19, behead I 5. 8, &c., forbead I 6. to, geceas 
6. 13, forleas 15. 9, tosceaf 1. 52, with simplification of 
the diphthong, due to the following palatal (cf. 35) in 
gebrec 24. 43, gebrsec I 11. 13. 

(3) The vowel of the 2 sing, ind., the plural ind., 
and the whole opt. is u: forbudon 9. 49, flugon 8. 34, 
forlure 15. 9. 

The vowel of the singular has been carried over to the 
plural in brecon (together with palatal umlaut, cf. 35) 
13. 26, 17. 27, and to the opt. in gebrece 1. 8, 11. 37, 
gecease I 3. 6, I 7. 2, also in the plural geceason 14. 7. 

(4) The stem-vowel of the pret. part, is o : aboden 12. 

3, &c., beboden I 9. 7, forboden 14. 17, gecoren 8. 15, &c., 
beloccen 11. 7, forloren 15. 32, &c., agotten 5. 37, &c. 

100. Class III. 

(i) (a) Verbs in nasal + cons, have as the stem-vowel of 
the present i (cf. 3, II) : gebindeS 11. 22, dringes 17. 8, 
drincas 10. 7, gefindes 15. 9, beginnes 3. 8, grindas 17. 35, 
gelimpa'S 21. 13, singes 22. 34, winnaft 12. 27 ; also, with 
metathesis of r and consequent breaking, iorna 14. 31, 
iornende 12. 17, &c. 

(b) In verbs in r + cons., the original e of the present 
stem is broken to ea (for eo) : cearfas 19. 27, ofcearfa 8. 
22, ymbcearfanne 1. 59, scearfaft 13. 7, gescearfa 13. 9 ; 
under the influence of a preceding w this is replaced by 
o : aworpa 19. 45, aworpo 6. 42, &c., geworpa 11. 18, 
onworpaft 21. 12, worses 1. 34, aworSe 21. 31, geworSa 
21. 7 (cf. 45). 

(c) Verbs in 1 + cons. have the present stem in its 
original form e : delfo 13. 8, geldanne 7. 41, ageldas 20. 
25, forgeldo 10. 35, helpende I 7. 1, forsuelgas 20. 47. 

(d) e appears also in fregna 20. 3, gefregno 23. 14, 
besides frsegno 22. 68, frsegnend I 9. 9, &c., tostraegdaeft 
11. 23, and gefraignas 19. 31. 

(e) An anomalous present with u occurs: wiftspurna 

4. n, cf. Fti. 67, i (e). 



78 THE VERB 

(2) (a) The stem-vowel of the i and 3 sing. ind. pret. 
of the verbs in nasal + cons, is a: geband 13. 16, un- 
band I 9. 20, blann 7. 45, geblann 5. 4, gedranc 5. 39, 
fand 13. 6, ingann 24. 27, agann 11. 38, gelamp 8. 42, 
inbewand 23. 53 ; with metathesis of r : arn 15. 20, gearn 
I 11. 9, forearn 19. 4 ; the form binde 24. 2,8 also occurs, 
and the weak form ges u uincgde 12. 47. 

(b) In verbs in r + cons., the stem- vowel a is broken 
to ea, which after w appears as a (or se) : gecearf 
I 9. 1 6, ofcearf 9. 9, tocearf 22. 50, awarp 4. 35, gewarS 
16. 2, awarS 4. 42, awserS I 7. 18 (cf. 46). 

(c) This stem does not occur in verbs in 1 + cons. 
in Luke. 

(d) The stem-vowel appears as SB or ai in gefrsegn 
I 9. 1 6, &c. ; gefraegn 9. 18, tostraegd 1. 51, gefraign 
8. 30, &c. 

A combination of this stem- vowel with the weak pret. 
is found in gefrsegnade 18. 36, gefraignde 15. 26, 23. 9. 

(3) The stem-vowel of the 2, sing, ind., the pi. ind., 
and the opt. pret. is u ; (a) verbs in nasal + cons. : un- 
bundon 19. 31, druncon 17. 28, fundon 19. 48, ongunnon 
7. 49, &c. ; wunnon 5. 5, miswunne I 2. 12, ; with meta- 
thesis of r: togsegnesurnon 17. 12. 

The vowel of the singular is transferred to the plural in 
ongannon 15. 24. 

(&) Verbs in r + cons. : gecurfe I 11. 6, wurpon 19. 35, 
awurpon 4. 29, $urscon 22. 63. The vowel of the pres. 
ind. is transferred to the opt. in aworpe 11. 14. 

(c) Verbs in 1 + cons. : underdulfon 8. 7, guidon 7. 42, 
gehulpo 5. 7. 

(d) Also in bebrugdon 20. 20, frugnon 3. 14, gefrugnon 
3. 10, &c. 

(4) (a) The stem- vowel of the pret. part, before n + 
cons, is u : gebunden 8. 29, druncene I 10. 1 8, druuncen 
21. 34, geftrungen 8. 42, inbewunden 2. 12. Weak forms 
occur in : gesuincged 18. 32, ge$ringed 8. 42. 



TENSE-FORMATION OF STRONG VERBS 79 

(b) Verbs in r + cons, have o as the stem-vowel of the 
pret. part. : ofcorfen 3. 9, ymbcorfen 2. 21, aworden 
I 7. 1 8, &c., gewordne I 3. 4, geftorscen. An umlauted 
form occurs in awoerpen 20. 15 (cf. 55, II). 

(c) Verbs in 1 + cons, have o : underdolfen 8. 14. 

(d) Verbs in gd and gn also have o : tostrogden 21. 6, 
gefrognen 17. 20. 

101. Class IV. 

(1) The stem-vowel of the present is e, which is subject 
to o/a-umlaut : beres 14. 27, bereft 1. 13, berende 2. 5, 
bearanne 23. 26, gebeara 10. 4, &c. 

For the forms of cuma and nima, cf. below. 

(2) The stem-vowel of the i and 3 sing. ind. pret. is 
SB : gebser 1. 24, 11. 27, gebrsecc 9. 16, gebrsecg 22. 19, 



(3) The vowel of 2 sing, ind., the pi. ind., and the 
opt. pret. is e (=WS. se) : gebere I 7. 7, gebrecon 6. i, 
beron 7. 14, 24. i. 

(4) The stem-vowel of the pret. part, is o: boren 
21. 23, gebroceno 4. 18, tobrocen 6. 48, forholen 8. 17. 

Cuma and nima require special treatment. In cuma 
y occurs much more frequently than u as the present 
stem-vowel, although it properly belongs only to the 
optative, cf. S. 371, anm. i, 5; Fii. 68; Kluge, PGr. 
1 66 ; u is met only in the infinitive. 

Examples. ind. : cymo 19. 13, cymes 23. 42, cymmeft 
17. 20 ; opt., cyme 1. 43, cymo 17. i ; imp., cym 7. 8, 
cymaft 13. 14; inf., cuma 18. 16, cume 14. 20, cummanne 
12. 45 ; but also gecyme 9. 33 ; pres. part., cymende 
23. 26, tocymmende I 2. 9. 

The stem-vowel of the whole pret. ind. and opt. is 6 ; 
cf. S. 390, anm. 2 : cuom 5. 32, cwom 12. 49, cuome 7. 7, 
cwome 11. 35, cuomon 22. 52, gecuomon 5. 7 (opt. pi.). 

The stem -vowel of the pret. part, is u : forcumen 17. 25, 
forcummenum 21. 26, forcumeno 24. 4. 

The vowel of the present stem of nima is i<e before 



80 THE VERB 

a simple nasal ( 17). There are forms both with and 
without o/a-umlaut: nimetf 13. 33, nimmes 19. 22, nim 

5. 24, genime 12. 29 (infin.) ; with o/a-umlaut : nioma'S 
4. n, niomanne 11. 54, nioma 22. 36, niomande I 9. 10. 
The u in the infin., numanne 1. 25, is probably brought 
over from the pret. part. 

The stem-vowel of the whole pret. ind. and opt. is o 
(S. 390, anm. 2) : genom 18. 31, nomon 11. 52, genomo 
20. 20. 

The stem-vowel of the pret. part, is u<o before a simple 
nasal ( 18) : genummen 4. 38. 

102. Class Y. 

(i) The original stem-vowel of the present is e : harm- 
cueftaft 6. 22, metende 6. 38, ettas 5. 30, geette 12. 22, 
agef 4. 20 (imp. sing.) ; forgefo 23. 16, forgefes 2. 29, 
gesprecca 4. 41, spreces 13. 14; the e is marked long in 
eto 17. 8, ete 15. 23, ette 22. 8, eta 22. 30, geetes 17. 8, 
geete 12. 29. 89 for e appears in spraecend 1. 64, setta 12. 45. 

o/a-umlaut frequently changes e to ea : forgeafa I 6. 13, 
&c. ; forgeafanne 10. 12, eatta 8. 55, eattas 10. 7, eattanne 

6. 4, gespreaca 5. 4. 

After w, e>oe : cuoe$ 12. 22, cuoeftas 8. 45, cuoefta 
6. 42, cuoede 20. 39 (d being brought in from the forms 
of the plural), cuoeftendo 1. 66, &c. ; for such variations as 
cuoaefta'S 6. 26, cuoaftas 9. 20, &c., v. 41. 

The verbs with original -jo in the present have i as the 
stem-vowel: biddo 8. 28, &c., biddanne I 9. 12, eftbidde 
6. 30, Serhgebiddes I 7. 4, gebiddande 21. 36, &c., sittas 
1. 79, sitteft 14. 28, sitt 16. 6, ymbsittendum 22. 55, &c. 

The following forms of the contract verb sea appear in 
the present ind. : 2 sing., gesiist 6. 41, 7. 44, gesiis 6. 42 ; 
3 sing., geseaft 3. 6 ; 2 pi., seas 24. 39, geseaft 10. 24, &c., 
geseas 10. 23; 3 pi., geseaft I 6. 18, &c., geseas 14. 29; 
opt. : i sing., gesii 18. 41 ; i pi., gesea 2. 15 ; 3 pi., geseaft 
8. 16; imp. sing., geseh 11. 35; pi., geseaft 8. 18, &c. ; 
inf., gesea (ten times), geseanne 9. 9. 



TENSE-FORMATION OF STRONG VERBS 81 

The stem- vowel of the i and 3 sing. ind. is se : bsed 
5. 12, baed 7. 3, baedd 9. 40, gebsed 22. 33, cuseiS 14. 35, 
&c., ofgsef 23. 46, forgaef 7. 42, ongsett 5. 22, ongaet 
7. 37, gelseg 5. 25, gesaeh 10. 18, eftbesseh; gessett 7. 15, 
spraecc 9. n, gesprsec 15. 12. 

The vowel is diphthongized by the influence of the 
preceding palatal in forgeaef 23. 25. 

The following are due to the influence of the preceding 
w: cuoeft 16. 15, cuoe 15. 31, I 11. 12 (with dropping of 
the final consonant) ; together with such variations in 
orthography as cuose'S 16. 15, coeiS 9. 59, &c., cwo^ 16. 3 
(cf. 41). 

e for se appears in agef 4. 20 (3 sing, pret.) ; cweS 
24. 19, gecue 13. 17 (cf. i, I (c) ; Fu. 69, 2 ; S. 391, 
anm. 10) ; e in geett 4. 2, geett 6. 4, gefrett 15. 30 (S. 391, 
anm. 3 ; KL, PGr., p. 436 ; Fu. 69, 2). 

(3) The stem- vowel of the 2 sing, ind., the pi. ind., and 
the opt. pret., is e : bedon 4. 38, &c., be^on 8. 37 (with $ 
for d), gebede 9. 28, eton 13. 26, geeton 15. 16, geete 
7- 36) geton 18. 34, ongeton 18. 34, ongetton 20. 19, 
gesegon 5. 26 (with grammatical change, cf. 79) ; gesege 
1. 22, &c., gesprecon 2. 15, &c. } ymbsprecon 19. 7. 

63 is due to the influence of w in cwoedon 8. 24 (with 
grammatical change), cuoede 17. 6, cuoeden I 6. 5, ge- 
cuoedon 9. 36, &c. 

(4) The stem-vowel of the pret. part, is e: gebeden 
I 7. 2, I 7. 10, gefreten 8. 5, eftforgefen 12. 10, begetne 
I 8. 1 6, ongeten I 11. u, ongetten 8. 17, gelegeno 24. 4, 
gemeten 6. 38, gesegen 1. 3, geseen 19. 37, 22. 24, ge- 
sprecen 1. 55, foretreden I 8. 3, getreden 8. 5. With oe 
after w (v. 41): cuoeden 2. 17, &c., gecoeden 12. 3, 
gecuoedno 19. 28, acuoeden I 4. 6, gewoefen 14. 10. 

103. Class VI. 

(i) The stem- vowel of the present is a: ala$ 11. 44, 
gefara 9. 12, oferfara 10. 7, 16. 26; with pal. umlaut: 
waexaiS 12. 27 (cf. 34); according to i, II (b), faeres 

G 



82 THE VERB 

16. 30, fsere 9. 57, faer 13. 31, fseraft 9. 5, faerend 4. i, &c. 
(only the infin. in this word and its compounds has a) ; 
eftdraegend I 3. 6, onsseccest 22. 34, onsaecca 20. 27, 
onsaecae'S 14. 33, onsaeca 14. 18, saeccenne I 9. 9, asceaccaiS 
9. 5 (cf. 52, -ea due to the influence of the preceding 
palatal). 

Before n-f cons. a;>9 ( 15, I): stondeft 11. 18, stonda 
13. 35, tostondo 1. 19, &c. 

The present is formed with j with consequent i-umlaut 
and gemination in ahebba 18. 13, ahebbaiS 14. n, ahebbeS 

6. 45, ahebbendum 6. 20 ; in ahefeft 6. 45, the f is brought 
over from the pret. ; the gemination is simplified in 
hlaeheS 6. 21, hlaehas 6. 25, hlaehendum 15-7 ( = Got. 
hlahjan). 

The following forms of the contract verbs appear in 
the present : ind. 2, sing., ofslaest 13. 34 ; 3 sing., ofslaeft 
12. 5, slaeft 6. 29, aftoaS I 5. 14 (cf. 53) ; i pi., geslas 
22. 49 ; 3 pi., ofslaeiS 11. 49, 12. 4, ofslses 18. 33 ; imp., 
ofslah 18. 20 ; pi., ofslaeft 15. 23 ; infin., slaa 12. 45, 
geslaa 18. 13, ofslaa 9. 22, ofslse 20. 14, a$oa 7. 38, geftuoa 

7. 38 (cf. 53) ; pres. part., slaegendum I 5. 8 (with the g 
of the pret. pi. and the pret. part.). 

(2) The stem- vowel of the whole pret. ind. and opt. 
is 6 : onsoc 22. 57, slog 22. 64 (with grammatical change 
introduced into the singular) ; ofslog 13. 4, stod 4. 39, 
stod 18. n, astod 6. 8, &c., gesuor 1. 73, aftuoh 7. 38, 
aiSuogh 7. 46, awox 2. 40, gewox 1. 80, hlogon 16. 14, 
slogon 22. 64, aslogon 22. 63, ofslogon 11. 47, stodon 
7. 14, &c., onstodon 23. 23, gestodon 23. 49, geftuoge 
7. 46 (with grammatical change) ; geftuogun 5. 2, awoxeft 
22. 31 ; in ofslage 15. 30 the a of the present is brought 
into the pret. ; sod 2. 9 and gesto 19. 8 are scribal errors. 

(3) The vowel of the pret. part, varies between a and 
se (S. 392, anm. 7) ; but in Luke only ae appears : geslaegen 
22. 7, ofslaegen 9. 22, ofslaegeno I 8. i, oncaeccen 12. 9 
(c being a scribal error for s). 



TENSE-FORMATION OF STRONG VERBS 83 

The umlauted form appears in ahefen 10. 15, 13. 13, 
ahefenum 24. 50, gehefen 14. n ; of. S. 378, 2, and anm. 
1 ; 392, anm. 7. 

The o in ahofen 18. 14 and gesuoren 1. 73 is probably 
introduced from the pret. 

104. Reduplicating verbs. The treatment here is 
based on S. 393-397. The following forms occur in 
Luke: 

I. Present. 

(1) Verbs with original a before n + cons. (S. 395, i); 
these in Luke comprise only the contract verbs hoa 
(<:*hanhan) and foa (<c*fanhan) ; ind. 2 sing., onfoaes 
20. 21 ; 3 sing., onfoaft 11. 10, enfoeiS 9. 5, &c., onfoseS 
9. 48, onfoaeft 13. 21 ; pi., onfoaft 6. 34, onfose'S 10. 10 ; 
opt. 3 sing., enfoe 20. 2,8 imp. sing., ahoh 23. 21 ; pi., 
onfoaft 22. 17 ; infin., onfoanne 6. 34, &c. ; pres. part., 
hoendum I 11. 7. 

(2) Verbs with e (:>Gmc. se) followed by a simple 
cons. (S. 395, 2, a) : ondredo 18. 4, ondredes 23. 40, 
ondrede 12. 5, ondred 1. 13, ondredas 12. 5, &c., leto 
13. 1 8, letas 18. 16, leta 12. 39, slepaft 8. 52, slepes 22. 46, 
redenne I 11. i, redendum I 3. 6. 

(3) Verbs with a (;>~WG. ai), not followed or preceded 
by w (S. 395, 2, b) : hatteS 8. 25, hateS I 7. 17, sceadas 
6. 22 (for ea v. 52 (d)); gesceadeft I 8. 15, tosceado 
22. 29, &c. (S. 395, 2, b). 

(4) Verbs with original a before 1 + cons. (S. 396): 
failed 11. 17, faelles 8. 10, fallaiS 6. 39, &c., haldas 8. 15; 
also with n + cons.: geongo 14. 19, geonga 9. 59, &c., 
geongendum 9. 34, &c. 

(5) Verbs in -6w and -aw : hrowundum 8. 23, flouende 
6. 38, oncnaueiS 8. 10, oncnawanne I 7. 20, saweiS 8. 5, 
sawenne 8. 5, sauende I 5. 16 (S. 396, 2). 

II. Preterite. 

(i) These have as the vowel of the pret. e, which has 
become long before n + cons. (cf. 54, III ; S. 395, anm. 

G 2 



84 THE VERB 

i): fengon 5. 5, onfenge 16. 25, onfeng 18. 31, &c., 
ahengon 23. 33, 24. 20. 

(2) These point to the old formation of the pret. with 
reduplication (S. 394): ondreard 19. 21, ondrearde 18. 2, 
ondreardon 2. 9, &c., forleorton 18. 28, forleorte I 9. 2,&c. 

slepa has only the weak form slepde 8. 23. 

(3) The reduplication is obvious also in heht 5. 14, &c., 
gehehtes 14. 22, gehehte 8. 31. 

sceada has only weak forms of the pret. : tosceadade 
24. 27, tosceadde 22. 29, tosceadda I 3. 2, tosceadadon 
I 8. 4, tosceadon 6. 22 (where -on is for -adon). 

(4) The stem is eo or ea with the usual North, con- 
fusion between the two diphthongs (cf. S. 150, 3) : feoll 
6. 12, feol 5. 8, feall 8. 41, 17. 29, &c., forheald 15. 29 ; 
gefeald 4. 20. se and ese appear irregularly in gehselde 
2. 51, gehesslde 2. 51 ; a, in tohaldon 12. u. 

(5) The regular stem-vowel for this group is eo (or ea) : 
geweap 22. 62, (besides the irregular forms, gewesep 19. 41, 
gewaep I 10. 4, gewaepon 8. 52), Sonagehrewun 8. 26 
(eow>ew, cf. 48), oncneaun 2. 50, oncneu 19. 44 ; 6 
appears in ge h rowun 8. 23. 

sawa has only the weak pret. : gesaudesd 19. 21 (-esd 
being a scribal error for -est), gesaudes 19. 22. 
III. Preterite participle. 
The pret. part, has originally the vowel of the pres. : 

(1) Ahoen 23. 23, ahoen' 24. 7. 

(2) forleten 6. 37, forleteno 16. 18; the weak form 
occurs in gereded 1 11. 16. 

(3) gehaten 17. 9, gesceaden 13. IT ; the weak form 
appears in tosceaded I 4. 9. 

(4) gehalden 8. 29, &c. ; the weak form occurs in 
gefelled20. 18. 

(5) oncnauen 8. 17. 



TENSE-FORMATION OF WEAK VERBS 85 



CHAPTEE XIV. TENSE-FOEMATION OF WEAK VERBS. 

105. Class I. 

(i) Present. (a) Original short stems. All forms of 
the present stem have i-umlaut with loss of WG-. -j-, and, 
with the exception of the 2 and 3 sing. ind. and the 
sing, imp., gemination of the final consonant of the 
root. Stems in -r, however, do not lose the derivative 
-j (cf. 62, II), except in the 2 and 3 sing. ind. and 
sing, imp., nor undergo gemination of their final con- 
sonant (S. 227). 

Examples. bycgendo 19. 45, bebycgeft 12. 33, acuellas 
17. 12, gelecgas 19. 44, arecganne I 3. 7, sellas 6. 34, 
gesealla 1. 73, &c. (for ea cf. 31 (c)), gesettes 12. 42, 
settanne I 5. 17, awsecce 20. 28, fterhwsecende 6. 12 ; 
2 and 3 sing. ind. and imp., bygeiS 22. 36, bebyg 18. 22, 
seles I 4. 8, gescefteft 10. 19, getrymaft I 10. 10, getrym 
I 11. 4, sete$ 18. 12, a$en 6. 10. 

Many exceptions occur ; the simple vowel appears 
where gemination is expected in bebycane I 7. 16, 
selenne 1. 77, eftseleft 18. 12, setendum I 10. 5. 

On the analogy of verbs in -r are untrymmia 15. 14 
(though with gemination) ; getrymeg 22. 32 (for -eg=j, 
cf. 62,111; S. 175,3). 

On the other hand, gemination appears sometimes in 
the 2 and 3 sing. ind. and the sing, imp., bebycgeS 22. 36, 
selles 22. 48, sellaft 11. 13, selleft 11. n, onsettaft 15. 5. 

Verbs in -r : 3 sing, ind., byres I 1. i, ymbstyre$ 15. 8 ; 
infin., geherganne 19. 37 (for g=j, cf. 62, II; S. 175, 3), 
gestyrige 6. 48, gestyrege 8. 49 (-ig-, -eg- =j, S. 175, 2); 
pres. part., hergendo 2. 20, hergendra 2. 13, hergiendum 
I 10. 12, eriende 17. 7 ; with loss of j, herende I 9. 6. 

(b) Original long and polysyllabic stems. The whole 
present stem has i-umlaut, and the derivative j falls out 



86 THE VERB 

except in the verb ceiga (-c*kaujan), where it is retained 
in all forms. 

Examples. gehero 9. 9, laeres 20. 21, doema 13. 18, 
hyhtendo 6. 35, laed 5. 4 (imp.), henes 10. 16, &c. 

For the forms oferleor 22. 42, rehtanne 1. 79, cf. S. 384, 
anm. 3 ; Fii. 19, v. 

In all forms eawa is without umlaut: eauaft 3. 7, 
sedeaua 6. 47, &c. 

Polysyllabic verbs (cf. S. 403, anm. i). Gemmation 
remains in geonditteiS 2. 38 ; it is simplified in ondeto 
10. 21, ondetande 14. 15, &c., gionetaft 13. 7. 

(2) Preterite. (a) Original short stems. The normal 
form of the ending is -ede, -edon, with i-umlaut of the 
root-syllable, but without gemination of the final cons. : 
aftenede 5. 13, geherede 16. 8, efnegeheredon I 4. 2, 
getrymede 22. 59, bewceredon 11. 52. Gemination takes 
place in ontrymmedon 23. 5, 23. 23 (cf. S. 416, anm. n). 

The old middle vowel is preserved in aSenide 6. 10 ; 
it is syncopated in sce3de 4. 35. -ade in getrumade 

9. 51 (without umlaut, on analogy of Cl. II), getrummade 
3. 1 8. 

(b) Original long stems. The ending regularly appears 
with syncope of the middle vowel (according to 60, IV), 
as -de, -don. The i-umlaut remains. The ending is 
added without further change to verbs in a simple liquid 
or nasal, in f, s, g, or in a vowel or diphthong + d. 

Examples. laerdes 13. 26, oferfoerde 4. 30, ondselde 

10. 34, haelde 7. 3, agemde I 5. 19, todoemde 23. 24, 
hendon 23. 10, fordwinde 14. 34, gelefde 1. 45, geraesdon 
5. i, gebegde 24. 12, underbraeddon 19. 36, gehyddest 
10. 21, inlaedde I 9. 3 ; dd is simplified in gefoedon 23. 29, 
gefoede 15. 15 (pret. opt.), nedon 24. 29 (pret. ind.) ; the 
middle vowel is retained in teledon 20. 20, geteledon 
I 8. 13 (besides telde 23. u, geteldon 12. i, aweredon 
18. 9). 

No change takes place in the verbs in $ : gecyfcde 



TENSE-FORMATION OF WEAK VERBS 87 

I 2. 14, IstfSdon 1. 71 ; but % is assimilated in cydde 
I 7. ii. 

No syncope takes place in verbs in mute + liquid : ge- 
glendradon 4. 29, getimbrade 7. 5 (with a as middle 
vowel) ; but more frequently a secondary vowel is de- 
veloped or the original vowel restored between the mute 
and liquid : gehyngerde 4. 2, 6. 3, getimberde I 5. 9, 
getimberdon 17. 28, gedegelde 1. 24, 8. 47. 

Certain slight changes in the root- syllable take place 
in consequence of the d of the ending following im- 
mediately upon its final consonant : 

Gmc. gemination is simplified in cende 2. 7, acendon 
23. 29, eftcerdon 2. 20, &c., eftcerde 1. 56, gecerde 15. 17, 
&c. (besides eftcerrdon 23. 48), gecyste 7. 38, 22. 47 (for 
-te cf. below), gefylde 1. 53, gefyldon 5. 7 (besides 
gefyllde 7. i), gespilde 16. i, spilde 17. 27. 

The ending -de becomes -te after the tenues (p), t, c, 
and the voiceless spirant s : geneolecte 7. 12, geneolecton 
8. 24 (besides geneolecde, cf. below); gegroette 1. 40, 
geboette I 7. 5, gecyste 7. 38, 22. 47. 

Simple writing of the consonant is found in inlihte 
1. 79, geboeton 10. 13. The cons, is written anoma- 
lously as iS in gerihSe 3. 19. The etymological writing 
appears in togeecde 3. 20, togeneolecde I 10. 17 (S. 405, 
anm. 10). 

After cons. + d or t, the d of the ending is lost : ahael- 
don 24. 5, gescende 18. 10, gesendon 21. i, eftsende 
23. 15, gescilde I 8. 8, awoerdon 20. n (besides aweredon 
18. 9, without syncope) ; geondworde I 7. 7, ondwarde 
3. n, &c., woende 4. 10, awoende 19. 15, gehyrston 15. 2, 
astylton 2. 47, gehrseston 13. 19, eftgerseste 24. 30 ; both 
vowels are preserved in astyltdon 4. 32, and only the d 
of the ending in gestyldon 8. 56. 

The preterites of the following long- and short-syllabled 
words were without the middle vowel in the Gmc. period, 
and in consequence are without umlaut in OE. : brohte 



90 THE VERB 

"With -ede, -edon : lycedon I 5. i, lyceton 5. 30 (with 
t for d), gespelledon 24. 15, geondsuarede 7. 43, &c., ond- 
suaredon 9. 19, ae in geondsuaraede 14. 5, ai in ondsuaraide 
20. 3, o in nacode 15. 8, oe in lycoedon I 8. 9. 

ELSeodigde 15. 13 is an illustration of syncope of the 
middle vowel, but cf. also S. 413, anm. 7 ; for syncope in 
the forms of geondwearda, cf. preterites of Class I, 105. 

(3) Preterite Participle. The regular ending is -ad : 
gecostad 4. 13, fasstnad 1. 27, gehaSrad 12. 50, gemiclad 
4. 15, gemersad 1. 5, gehniiSrad 6. 37, geplontad 13. 6, 
ge h riordad 15. 23, geondspurnad 7. 23, aundrad 7. 9 ; 
-aed in gehoraed 18. 32 ; -ed in geclaensed 14. 19, gecosted 
4. 2, 6. 18, gedefted 23. 32, gedrysned I 3. 4, gegeadred 
I 4. 10, gehla^ed 14. 8, gemyndged I 3. 13, gepined 
I 9. 4, gehriorded 6. 21, 15. 29, gewoedded 1. 27. 

Inflected forms : geendade 2. 43, gefyrhtedo 24. 37, 
gehiuadne I 9. 2, awundrade 2. 18, 48, 11. 44. 

107. Class III. 

Of the verbs belonging to this class (cf. S. 415, 416), 
the following are met in Luke : 

(1) Habba. Pres. ind. i sing., hsefo 12. 17, haefic 11. 
1 6, hafo 7. 40; 2, sing., hsefeft 12. 19, hsefes 18. 22; 
3 sing., haefeS 3. n, hafeS 17. 9, hasfes 19. 26, hsefis 19. 
25, habba3 18. 15 ; pi., habbaS 3. 8, habbas 12. 4, hab' 
9. 58 ; opt. 3 sing., haebbe 8. 18; pi., haebbe 13. 3; imp. 
sing., haefe 10. 35 ; pi., habas 9. 3 ; inf., habba 24. 39, 
habbanne 21. 36, haebbendo I 7. 16 ; pres. part., haebbende 
15. 7, haebbendo I 7. 16 (used as the inflected infinitive), 
haebbend 7. 2, haebbendum 7. 42, naebbende 3. 1 1 ; pret. 
part., haefde 19. 20, haebde 8. 6. 

(2) Saecga. Pres. ind. i sing., saego 19. 40 ; 3 sing., 
saegeiS I 8. 3, saegeft 13. u ; pi., saecgaft 24. 17. ; imp. 
sing., saege 8. 39, saeg 9. 60 ; pi., saegcas 7. 22 ; inf., eftsaecga 
9. 61 ; pret. ind. sing., ssegde I 5. 16; pi., saegdon 8. 48 ; 
pret. part., gesaegd I 4. 4, eftasaegd I 4. 13, asaegd 13. 12. 

(3) Lifiga. Pres. ind. 3 sing., lifes 4. 4 ; pi., lifigaft 20. 



TENSE-FORMATION OF WEAK VERBS 91 

38 ; inf., lifiga 24. 23 ; opt. sing., gelifige 10. 28 ; part., 
lifigiende 10. 30, lifiende 24. 5, hlifigiendra 20. 38 ; pret. 
sing., lifde 2. 36, 15. 24, &c. 

(4) Friga. Pret. part., gefreod I 8. 9, 12. 58, gefreo u ad 
1. 74. 

(5) Fiaga. Pres. ind. 3 sing., gefiweS 16. 13 ; pret. pi., 
gefiadon 19. 14. 

(6) Smeaga. Pres. ind. 3 sing., smeaS 14. 31 ; inf., 
gesmeage 5. 21 ; part., smeande I 7. 10, foresmeande 1 10. 
14; pret. sing., smeade 12. 17; pi., gesmeadon 20. 14. 

(7) -Sreaga. Pres. ind. i sing., $rea 23. 22; 3 sing., 
geiSra-S 9. i ; imp. sing., geSrea 17. 3 ; pret. sing., geSreade 
I 10. n, 4. 35, &c., geSreade I 7. n; pi., geSreadon 18. 
35, 18. 39 ; part., geSread I 5. 14. 

(8) Hycga. Pres. ind. 3 sing., forhogefl 16. 13; inf., 
forhycganne 11. 42. 

(9) Giwiga. Pres. ind. 2 sing., ofergiuas 10. 35 ; 3 sing., 
giuiaS 11. 10, giueS 11. n, giuaS 11. 12; pi., giuaft 12. 
48 ; imp. pi., giuiaft 11. 9 ; inf., giuge 19. 23 ; part., 
giuiende 6. 30, giwigende I 9. 13 ; pret., giude 23. 52, 
19. 23, gegiuade 1. 63. 

(ic) For the remains of the old Class III in other 
classes, cf. S. 416, anm. 8ff. : scyniga I 7. 12 (S. 416, 
anm. n), geondspyrne 17. 2, ondspyrnende 1 9. 4, gedrygde 
7. 38 (besides f'drugade 8. 6), suigdon 9. 36 (S. 416, anm. 
17), &c. 



CHAPTER XV. MINOR GROUPS. 

108. Preteritive Present Verbs. 

I. First Ablaut Class. (i) Pres. ind. i and 3 sing., 
wat 16. 15 ; pi., wutum 20. 14, wutton 20. 21, wutaS 11. 
13, wittefl 21. 30, wuton 11. 44; opt. sing., witto 1. 18 ; 
pi., witte 8. 10, wittas 5. 24; imp. pi., wutaS 10. n, 
wutet) 12. 39, wuttaS 21. 31 ; inf., wuttanne 8. 10; pres. 



92 THE VERB 

part., wittende I 7. 18 ; pret. ind. 2, sing., wistes (four 
times) ; 3 sing., wiste 12. 39 ; pi. wiston 20. 7. 

(2) Pres. ind. i sing., ah 18. 13 ; 3 sing., ah 12. 44; 
pi., agon 12. 33 ; opt., aga 18. 18; pret., ahte 7. 41. 

II. Third Ablaut Class. (i) Pres. ind. i sing., conn 
1. 34, &c. ; pret. 2 sing., cuftes 22. 34 ; pi., cu$u 2. 49 
(followed by the pronoun gie), cufton 2. 43. 

(2) Pres. ind. 3 pi., beftorfeS 15. 7, $ofe$ 5. 31 (an error 
for SorfeS). 

(3) Pret. pi., darston 20. 40. 

III. (i) Pres. ind. pi., sciolon 13. 5, sciolo 13. 3 ; pret. 
sing., scealde 9. 31. 

(2) Pres. imp. sing., gemyne 23. 42, gemona 16. 25 (or 
inf. ?, S. 423, anm. 2 ; the alternative in the text, however, 
is geftencg, manifestly an imp.). 

IV. Fifth Ablaut Class. Pres. ind. i sing., mseg. 10. 
25, msege 11. 7 ; 2 sing., masht 5. 12 ; 3 sing., msege 
3. 8, &c., mseg 6. 39, maeg 14. 31 ; pi., magon 11. 46, 
mago 5. 34, &c. ; opt. sing., msege 18. 41, 1. 20 ; inf., 
msege I 7. 5 ; pret. ind. sing., msehte 1. 22 ; pi., msehton 

8. 19, mseghton 20. 26. 

V. Sixth Ablaut Class. Pres. ind. pi., moto 22. 49. 

109. The Substantive Verb. Roots *es-, and *er- or 
*or- (cf. Kal. 192) : pres. ind. i sing., am 1. 19, &c. ; 
3 sing., ar3 4. 34, &c. ; 3 sing., is 2. 49, &c. ; pi., sindon 

9. 12, &c., sint 2. 49, sind 17. 24, aron 4. 6, &c., aro 24. 
38; opt. sing., sie 20. 16, se 12. 58, se 4. 3, see 12. 56, 
nese 6. 40 ; pi., sie 12. 35, se (thirteen times). 

Root *bheu- : pres. ind. i sing., beom 13. 32, biom 9. 
41 ; 2 sing., bist 1. 76 ; 3 sing., bi$ 1. 15, bid 8. 17 ; pi., 
bi$on 3. 5, I 11. 7. 

Root wes- : Pres. imp. sing., wses 18. 13 ; pi., wosaft 3. 
14 ; inf., wosa 11. 7, wosanne 2. 49 ; pret. ind. 3 sing., 
W83S 2. 2, &c., was 22. 59 ; pi., weron 4. 13, &c., wero 16. 
12, woeron 12. 3, &c., woero I 9. 9, wer 2. 22 ; opt. sing., 
were 2. 4, nere I 3. 9, I 8. u, woere I 7. 20, wsere 5. 12, 



MINOR GROUPS 93 

wero 16. 22 ; pi., woeron I 1. 5, woere I 1. 7, were I 9. 4, 
wero 3. 7. 

110. The Verb Willa. 

Pres. ind. i sing., willo 5. 13, wsslle 13. 20, wsello 20. 3 ; 
3 sing., will 13. 31, wil' 9. 23, wselle 10. 22 ; pi. waelle 6. 
31, wallaiS 16. 26, wallas 8. 20, nallo 19. 14; opt. 2 sing., 
welle 22. 42 ; 3 sing., wselle 9. 24 ; imp. sing., nelle 14. 
12; pi., waslla 12. 29, wallaS 18. 16, nsellaft 6. 37, nellaft 
6. 37 ; pret. ind. i and 3 sing., walde 19. 23 ; 2 sing., 
waldest 13. 34 ; opt. sing., wselde 1. 62. 

111. The Verb Doa. 

Pres. ind. i sing., doam 12. 18, &c., dom 20. 8, doa 12. 
17, doe 18. n, do 20. 13; 2 sing., does 11. 45, doest 14. 
13; 3 sing., doeiS 3. 9, &c., doseiS 12. 37, doa$ 3. n, does 
20. 15 ; pi., doaiS 3. 10, &c., doe$ 6. 2, doas 23. 34 ; opt. 
sing., doam 18. 41, doe 18. 18 ; pi., gedoe 6. 31 ; imp. 
sing., do 4. 23, do 10. 28, doo 10. 37 ; pi., doa~S 9. 14, 
undoeS 19. 30 ; inf., doa 6. 9, gedoe I 9. 30, doane 17. 10 ; 
pres. part., doend 4. i, &c., doende 12. 43, &c. ; pret. ind. 
i and 3 sing., dyde 1. 25, &c. ; 2 sing., dydest 2. 48 ; pi., 
dydon 5. 6, &c., dedon 9. 15, tSerhdedon 2. 39; opt. pi., 
dydon 2. 27, dedon 6. n; pret. part., gedoen 23. 15, 

24. 35. 

112. The Verb Gaa. 

Pres. ind. i sing., gae 15. 18; 2, sing., gast 12. 58, gaes 
12. 59, gegaft 12 ; 3 sing., gaaS 15. 4, gaS 11. 24, gaeft 7. 
8, &c., ingseeS 10. 5, ingaS 22. 10 ; pi., gaaS 2. 3, ingseS 
10. 10 ; opt. sing., inngae 9. 4; imp. sing., gaa 7. 8 ; pi., 
gaa$ 10. 3, ga$ 13. 32 ; gaas 19. 30 ; inf., gaa 17. 23, 
inngae I 2. 17 ; pret. ind. sing., eode 1. 9, eade 4. 42 ; 
pi., eadon 7. u, eado 24. 13, ineade 11. 52. 



92 THE VERB 

part., wittende I 7. 18 ; pret. ind. 2 sing., wistes (four 
times) ; 3 sing., wiste 12. 39 ; pi. wiston 20. 7. 

(2) Pres. ind. i sing., ah 18. 12; 3 sing., ah 12. 44; 
pi., agon 12. 33 ; opt., aga 18. 18; pret., ahte 7. 41. 

II. Third Ablaut Class. (i) Pres. ind. i sing., conn 
1. 34, &c. ; pret. 2 sing., cuftes 22. 34 ; pi., cu$u 2. 49 
(followed by the pronoun gie), cufton 2. 43. 

(2) Pres. ind. 3 pi., be3orfe3 15. 7, $ofe$ 5. 31 (an error 
for $orfe$). 

(3) Pret. pi., darston 20. 40. 

III. (i) Pres. ind. pi., sciolon 13. 5, sciolo 13. 3 ; pret. 
sing., scealde 9. 31. 

(2) Pres. imp. sing., gemyne 23. 42, gemona 16. 25 (or 
inf. ?, S. 423, anm. 2 ; the alternative in the text, however, 
is geftencg, manifestly an imp.). 

IV. Fifth Ablaut Class. Pres. ind. i sing., mseg. 10. 
25, msege 11. 7 ; 2 sing., mseht 5. 12 ; 3 sing., msege 
3. 8, &c., mseg 6. 39, maeg 14. 31 ; pi., magon 11. 46, 
mago 5. 34, &c. ; opt. sing., msege 18. 41, 1. 20 ; inf., 
msege I 7. 5 ; pret. ind. sing., msehte 1. 22 ; pi., msehton 

8. 19, mseghton 20. 26. 

V. Sixth Ablaut Class. Pres. ind. pi., moto 22. 49. 

109. The Substantive Verb. Boots *es-, and *er- or 
*or- (cf. Kal. 192) : pres. ind. i sing., am 1. 19, &c. ; 
2 sing., ar$ 4. 34, &c. ; 3 sing., is 2. 49, &c. ; pi., sindon 

9. 12, &c., sint 2. 49, sind 17. 24, aron 4. 6, &c., aro 24. 
38; opt. sing., sie 20. 16, se 12. 58, se 4. 3, see 12. 56, 
nese 6. 40 ; pi., sie 12. 35, se (thirteen times). 

B,oot *bheu- : pres. ind. i sing., beom 13. 32, biom 9. 
41 ; 2 sing., bist 1, 76 ; 3 sing., bi$ 1. 15, bid 8. 17 ; pi., 
bifton 3. 5, I 11. 7. 

Root wes- : Pres. imp. sing., wses 18. 13 ; pi., wosaft 3. 
14 ; inf., wosa 11. 7, wosanne 2. 49 ; pret. ind. 3 sing., 
wses 2. 2, &c., was 22. 59 ; pi., weron 4. 13, &c., wero 16. 
12, woeron 12. 3, &c., woero I 9. 9, wer 2. 22 ; opt. sing. 7 
were 2. 4, nere I 3. 9, I 8. u, woere I 7. 20, wsere 5. 12, 



MINOR GROUPS 93 

wero 16. 22 ; pl. 7 woeron 1 1. 5, woere I 1. 7, were I 9. 4, 
wero 3. 7. 

110. The Verb Willa. 

Pres. ind. i sing., willo 5. 13, wselle 13. 20, wsello 20. 3 ; 
3 sing., will 13. 31, wiT 9. 23, wselle 10. 22 ; pi. waelle 6. 
31, wallaS 16. 26, wallas 8. 20, nallo 19. 14; opt. 2 sing., 
welle 22. 42 ; 3 sing., wselle 9. 24 ; imp. sing., nelle 14. 
12; pi., waella 12. 29, wallaft 18. 16, nsellaS 6. 37, nellaft 
6. 37 ; pret. ind. i and 3 sing., walde 19. 23 ; 2 sing., 
waldest 13. 34 ; opt. sing., wselde 1. 62. 

111. The Verb Doa. 

Pres. ind. i sing., doam 12. 18, &c., dom 20. 8, doa 12. 
17, doe 18. n, do 20. 13; 2 sing., does 11. 45, doest 14. 
13; 3 sing., doeiS 3. 9, &c., doseiS 12. 37, doaft 3. n, does 
20. 15 ; pi., doa$ 3. 10, &c., doeS 6. 2, doas 23. 34 ; opt. 
sing., doam 18. 41, doe 18. 18 ; pi., gedoe 6. 31 ; imp. 
sing., do 4. 23, do 10. 28, doo 10. 37 ; pi., doaft 9. 14, 
undoeS 19. 30 ; inf., doa 6. 9, gedoe I 9. 20, doane 17. 10 ; 
pres. part., doend 4. i, &c., doende 12. 43, &c. ; pret. ind. 
i and 3 sing., dyde 1. 25, &c. ; 2 sing., dydest 2. 48 ; pi., 
dydon 5. 6, &c., dedon 9. 15, tSerhdedon 2. 39; opt. pi., 
dydon 2. 27, dedon 6. n; pret. part., gedoen 23. 15, 
24. 35. 

112. The Verb Gaa. 

Pres. ind. i sing., gae 15. 18; 2 sing., gast 12. 58, gaes 
12. 59, gegaft 12 ; 3 sing., gaaS 15. 4, gaiS 11. 24, gaeft 7. 
8, &c., ingseeS 10. 5, ingaS 22. 10 ; pi., gaa$ 2. 3, ingaeS 
10. 10 ; opt. sing., inngae 9. 4 ; imp. sing., gaa 7. 8 ; pi., 
gaa$ 10. 3, ga$ 13. 32 ; gaas 19. 30 ; inf., gaa 17. 23, 
inngse I 2. 17 ; pret. ind. sing., eode 1. 9, eade 4. 42 ; 
pi., eadon 7. u, eado 24. 13, ineade 11. 52. 




94 DECLENSION OF NOUNS 

CHAPTEE XVI. 

DECLENSION OF NOUNS: VOCALIC STEMS 

The o-Declension 

113. Masculines. 

I. Nom., ace. sing. 

(1) The pure o-stems normally have no ending: cynig 
9. 7, a$ 1. 73, daeg 6. 13, geong 2. 44, gast 23. 46, hlaf 4. 3, 
wsestm 1. 42. 

The nom. sing, with e occurs in dsege 21. 34 (nine times), 
merce 16. 17 (but cf. Lind. 2 150, anm. 2); theaccus. sing, 
in e: dsege 4. 19, woege 10. 4 (three times). 

(2) The long jo-stems end in -e. Examples. Nouns in 
-ere : doemere 12. 58, legere 6. 42, bodare 9. 33, hsesere 
2. 49, ettere 7. 3 ; also ende 1. 33, esne 7. 2, lece 4. 23, 
husete 3. 17; without ending: licftrower 4. 27; short 
jo-stems are normally without ending: hyll 3. 5, iSrym 
9. 32, but with ending -e : here (nom.) 6. 30, here (accus.) 
9. 13. 

(3) wo-stems: laaruu 20. 21, forelatuu 22. 26. 

II. Gen. sing. The ending is regularly -es. 
Examples. ( i ) o-stems : cnsshtes 1. 69, dseges 2. 42, hlsefes 

24. 35, wingeardes 20. 13, innoiSes 1. 42, stanes22. 41 ; -as : 
wingeardas, 13. 7, 20. TO; deadses 23. 22 (an original u-stem 
that has gone over into the o-stems, cf. Got. dau]?us) ; 
without ending: hlaferd 16. 8, laferd 11. 8, god 18. 17. 

(2) jo-stems : husetes 12. 42, 16. 7, licSroweres I 4. 14. 

(3) wo-stems : -as in aelaruas 15. 14, I 9. 13. 

III. Dat. sing. The regular ending is -e, but other 
endings occur and uninflected forms are frequent. 

Examples. (i) o-stems: -e, cnsehte 9. 48, dsege 1. 59, 
hlaferde 16. 5, hame 8. 51, hrofe 17. 34, wege 8. 5, deafte 
21. 1 6, drihtne 1. 16; -o, drihtno I 10. 10; 1. 5, wsestmo 
18. 1 8, hlaferdo I 10. i; -i, iSuneri 19. 10; -se, godse 



VOCALIC STEMS 95 

12. 6, loan-word diowlse 8. 29 ; without ending, aldordom 
18. 10, cnaeht 2. 17, dseg 9. 22, ham 15. 6, hrof 17. 31, 
bead 16. 21, huarf 24 13, woeg 12. 58, oeftel 4. 23, aldor 

17.5- 

(2) jo-stems : end 18. 5, esne 17. 9, gitsare I 7. 14, 
hreafere 22. 52, lece 5. 31, here 5. 19 ; without ending, 
ftrymm 9. 26. 

(3) wo-stems: selarua 17. 10. 

IV. Nom., ace. pi. The normal ending is -as, but -es 
and -ass occur, in addition to the weak endings -e, -o, -a. 

Examples. (i) o-stems : cnsehtas 12. 45, cyningas 
22. 25, dagas 1. 24, gaastas 11. 26, hlafas 6. 4, seatlas 
11. 43, stanas 19. 40, wsestmas 12. 16 ; -es, cnaihtes 18. 16, 
cyninges 21. 1 2, stanes I 10. 3 ; -aes, gastses 10. 20, 
geongses 3. 4; -a, wsestma 6. 43; -o, hlafo 9. 13, nesto 
9. 58, sedlo 20. 46, wsestmo 12. 17; without ending: 
halm 3. 17, ftread 3. 7. 

(2) jo-stems: -as, esnas 19. 15, fisceras 5. 2, gitsaras 
16. 14, legeras 12. 56, hreaferas I 9. 33, seteras 20. 20, 
hergas 9. 18 ; -es, esnes I 10. 7 ; -o, endo 11. 26, hiordo 
I 4. i ; -a, hiorda 2. 15 ; -e, hiorde 2. 8, 2. 20. 

(3) wo-stems: larues 5. 17, gelarues 5. 5. 

V. Gen. pi. The normal ending is -a, but the weak 
ending -ana occurs. 

Examples. (i) o-stems: cyninga 21. 12, fisca 14. 18, 
heofna 21. 26, haligwara 1. 70; -ana, bergana 8. 32, 
dagana 5. 17 (five times), fiscana 5. 6, 5. 9. 

(2) jo-stems: laraua 2. 46, olebearua 22. 39; without 
ending : oelebearum 19. 29, olebearu 21. 37. 

VI. Dat. pi. The normal is -um. 

Examples. (i) o-stems: dagum 1. 5, gastum 6. 18, 
cnsehtum 15. 12, hlafum 9. 16, stanum 3. 8; -om occurs 
in geongom 3. 5. 

(2) jo-stems : esnum 15. 22, tosliterum 12. n, hiordum 
2. 1 8, hergum 9. 16. 

(3) wo-stems: laruum 22. n. 



96 DECLENSION OF NOUNS 

114. Neuters. 

I. Nom., ace. sing. 

(1) Pure o-stems are normally without ending. 
Examples. dor 13. 25, hus 13. 35, lond 12. 16, msegen 

5. 17, wseter 7. 44, wolcen 9. 34; the weak form appears 
in folco (nom.) 7. 12; taco 2. 34 is obviously a scribal 
error : -e appears as an ending in sedle (ace.) 1. 32. 

(2) jo-stems. Short stems: bedd 8. 16, cynn 21. 10, 
nett 5. 2, net 5. 5 ; long stem : hriord 14. 12 ; dissyllabic 
stems: woestern 7. 24, feastern I 4. n (for derivatives 
in -en (-era), cf. Lind. 2 154). The long stems also appear 
with endings: -e in ede 8. 32, erfe 12. 13, I 8. 14, woede 
12. 23 ; -o in woedo 6. 29, gewedo 5. 36, edo 2. 8 ; -a in 
gehriorda 11. 38 ; -88 in edse 12. 32. 

(3) wo-stems : tree 6, 43, tre 13. 8 mg., treeo 3. 9. 

II. G-en. sing. The ending is -es. 

Examples. (i) o-stems : gebedes I 7. 2, huses 6. 49, 
ondes 1. 8, msegnes 22. 69. wif 17. 32 glosses the Lat. 
gen. uxoris. 

Note. msegden, though regularly neuter in OE., in L. appears to 
be feminine, cf. gen. sing, ^aerse msedne 8. 50, ^seree msegdne 8.51; 
maegdne I 6. I, however, is neuter. 



(2) jo-stems : woedes 1 5. 2, wedes 8. 44 ; without ending 
is legeft 11. 36, glossing the Lat. gen. fulgoris. 

(3) wo-stems : trees I 8. 3, trees I 9. 6. 

III. Dat. sing. The normal ending is -e, which is 
frequently omitted. 

Examples. (i) o-stems: blode 22. 20, fyre 3. 17, huse 
6. 48, life 15. 13, londe 8. 26, mufte 22. 71, iSohte 12. 22, 
wuldre 24. 26, woerce 24. 28 ; -se in famse 9. 39 ; -i in 
h lodti 1. 9 ; uninflected, blod 11. 51, fyr 3. 16, hus 19. n, 
lif 16. 19, lond 17. 31, -Soht 1. 51, wuldur 2. 52, woerc 
9. 56, &c. 

(2) jo-stems : -e, cynne 21. 10, woede 7. 25 ; -o, edo 
I 7. 15, woedo 5. 36; without ending, bed 5. 18, 19, 



VOCALIC STEMS 97 

wsestern 13. 17, faestern I 5. 2, hui u 3. 22 (scribal error 
for hiu u ). 

(3) wo-stems: tree 17. 6, treo 13. 19, meolo 13. 21. 

IV. Nom., ace. pi. The normal ending is -o, with a few 
instances of -a ; a few long stems appear without ending. 

Examples. (i) o-stems : -o, bodo 18. 20, breosto 11. 
27, gero 13. 7, huso 20. 47, msegno 21. 26, gefehto 21. 9, 
seado 12. 33, sciopo (navis) 5. 2, suino 15. 15, woepeno 11. 
22, woerco 13. 22, wifo 17. 27, wordo 9. 44, ftingo 21. i, 
sedlo 20. 46 ; -a, linenhrsegla 24. 12, heafda 21. 28, 
godspella I 2. 5, woerca I 2. 10, wundra 5. 26, worda 
1. 65, ftinga 7. 22 ; without ending, seam 10. 4, scip (ovis) 
15. 4, hus 9. 33, "Sing 7. 22, ftoht 1. 78, word 24. 17. 

(2) jo-stems : -o, cynno 12. 30, netto 5. 4, gewoedo 19. 
35 ; -u, ricu 4. 5 ; -e, sceoe 10. 4 ; the masc. ending -as, 
scoeas 15. 22, seatlas 11. 43, 20. 46. 

(3) wo-stems : treo 21. 29. 

V. Gen. pi. The normal ending is -a, but the weak 
ending -ana sometimes appears. 

Examples. (i) o-stems: -a, folca 2. 31, hera I 5. 3, 
wifa 7. 28, worda 1. 4 ; -ana, iSingana 1. i, wifana 23. 27, 
wordana 24. 8. 

(2) jo-stems: cynna 3. 7, sceoea 3. 16, cynno I 4. 9. 

(3) wo-stems : trewana 3. 9. 

VI. The dat. pi. has the ending -um. 

Examples. (i) o-stems: bodum I 6. 2, gerum 4. 25, 
msegnum 10. 27, londum 8. 34, husum 16. 4; In huso 
7. 25, glosses in domibus, but is probably singular. 

(2) jo-stems: cynnum 24. 47, maerum 14. 21, sceowum 
I 4. 7, scoeum 22. 35, gewoedum 7. 25. 

(3) wo-stems : cneuum 5. 8. 

The a-Declension. 

115. For a full and detailed study of this class of nouns 
in North, cf. Part II of Lindelof s ' Beitrage zur Kennt- 
niss des Altnorthumbrischen ' in the Memoires de la 

H 



98 DECLENSION OF NOUNS 

Soctete Neo-PMlologique a Helsingfors, 245-84. Great 
variation from WS. exists, e. g. the frequent appearance 
of the masc., neu. ending -es, the almost regular loss of 
the ace. sing, ending -e in the long o-stems, and the 
appearance of the ending -e in the nom. sing, of abstracts 
in -nis(s)e. 

I. Nom. sing. 

(1) Pure a-stems. In the short a-stems, the endings -u, 
-a, -e appear: snoru 12. 53, geafa 2. 40, onsuare I 9. 16. 
The long a-stems are regularly without ending: meard 

6. 3, 6. 35, sawel 12. 29, spree 16. 9mg., womb 11. 27, 
woen 20. 13, coern 17. 2, and all the abstracts in -ung 
(-ong, -ing, -eng, 55, VIII), gristbittung 13. 28, groeteng 

I. 29, mercong I 1. i, mersung 4. 14, &c. 
Exceptions: mearda 6. 23, redo I 11. 5, hselo 19. 8, 

fyrhto 4. 36, earliprece I 11. 6, wrae'S'So 21. 23. 

(2) j a-stems : without ending are sibb 2. 14, iSignen 
22. 56 ; with ending -a, acasa 3. 9, $iwa 1. 38, $iua 22. 
56. The abstracts in -nis(s)e all have the vocalic ending 
except selenis I 3. 4, feruitgiornis 13. 9; -o occurs in 
ofersuiftnisso 21. 23. 

(3) wa-stems : stoue 2. 7, 23. 33, cneoreso 9. 41, 21. 32, 

II. 29. 

II. Ace. sing. 

(1) a-stems. In the short stems the endings -o, -a, -e 
occur : -o, wrsecco 18. 7, lufo 11. 42 ; -a, geafa 2. 24, sceoma 
3. 14, 11. 45, 14. 9 ; -e, wrsecce 18. 8, ondsuere 2. 26. 

Long stems. These are in most cases without ending : 
ar 14. 13, heer 5. 24, frofor 2. 25, bereflor 3. 17, half 19. 8, 
rod 23. 26, rsest 11. 24, womb 15. 16, wacan 12. 38, 
besides all the derivatives in -ung, except one (v. below). 
With ending -e are elne 12. 25, mearde I 11. 2, gesihiSe 

7. 2i,waccane 12. 38, costunge 11. 4, 22. 40; -a, farma 5. 29; 
-o, gesihSo 1. 22, 4. 18, hselo 1. 71, earliprico 22. 51 ; -se, 
the loan-word ceastrse 9. 52. 

(2) ja-stems : without ending are 3ignen 22. 56, byr- 



VOCALIC STEMS 99 

geim 23. 55, mixen 11. 35, gerd 7. 24, 9. 3, sibb 12. 51 ; 
-o in csego 11. 52 (Lind. 2 161 suggests that this may be 
ace. pi., but it glosses the Latin ace. sing, clavem). The 
nouns in -nis(s)e all have the ending -e with the following 
exceptions : without ending, lesnis 2. 38, miltheartnis 10. 
37 ; -o, witneso 18. 20, cySneso 18. 20; -a, wittnessa 22. 
71, onlicnessa 20. 24. 

(3) wa-stems: stou 10. 32, 14. 9, 10, cneoreso 1. 50, 
cneureso 15. 13. 

III. Gen. sing. The normal ending is -es. 

(1) a-stems. Very few examples occur in L. : hasles 1. 
77, hehstaldes 1. 27, farmes 14. 17, nedles 18. 25, and the 
abstracts in -ung, clsensunges 2. 22, cossetunges 7. 45, 
hnrSrunges 10. 19, groetenges 1. 44. "Without ending 
are witgong I 4. 3, beorning 1. n. 

-e is found in groefscire 16. 2, ceastre 14. 21, -a in 
fserma I 11. 4. hselo 1. 69 glosses the gen. salutis, but is 
probably an ace., as indicated by 'horn/ the alternative 
in the text. 

(2) ja-stems: sibbes 10. 6, 14. 32. Without ending is 
sibb 1. 79, probably a scribal error. Derivatives in 
-nis(s)e : -es, hernises 16. 17, geliornises 9. 51, unrehtwis- 
nisses 16. 8, unrehtwisnises 13. 27, socnises 19. 44; -ses, 
henisses 10. 19. All the other words in -nis(s)e have their 
genitive in -nise (twelve in number). 

(3) wa-stems : cneoreses 7. 31, cneureses 12. 15, cne- 
oreso 11. 31. 

IV. Dat. sing. 

(i) a-stems, short syllabled. The endings -a and -o 
occur, foresaga I 9. 6, stsello 5. 4. 

Long stems. The usual ending is -e, but uninflected 
forms are frequent. Examples: beere 15. n, groefscire 
16. 4, rode 18. 14, mearee 10. 7, sawle 12. 19, wraiSe 3. 7, 
iSeade I 2. 6 ; -o appears in wraiSo 4. 28, cy&So 1. 61, 
hselo I 8. 17 ; -a in ceastra 4. 29 ; uninflected, ber 5. 18, 
huil 4. 5, 8. 13, lar 4. 32, spree 7. 32, stefn 1. 42. 

H 2 



100 DECLENSION OF NOUNS 

Derivatives in -ung occur with and without the vocalic 
ending, -e, clsensunge 5. 14, costunge 11. 4, grornunge 
1. 6, &c. ; -a is found in somga (= somnunga) 4. 38 ; 
uninflected, endung 12. 16, setnung 23. 19, somnung 13. 
10, diwlgittsung 16. u, and all those in -ing, ceping I 5. 
3, casering 15. 8, flowing 8. 43, iorning I 5. 20, niming 
I 5. 3, &c. 

(2) ja-stems: -e, byrgenne 23. 53, helle 10. 15, sibbe 7. 
50, hehsynne I 2. 3, daelnise I 11. n, halignise 1. 75, 
micelnisse 9. 43, onsetnisse 11. 50, and all other words in 
-nis(s)e, except one (cf. below); uninflected, bend 13. 16, 
sipp (sibb) 8. 48, untrymnis 13. 12. 

(3) wa-stems: -e, stowe 4. 42, 9. 12, &c., stoue 19. 5; 
-o, cneoreso 11. 30 ; uninflected, stou 6. 17, 9. 10. 

V. Nom., ace. pi. (i) The endings of the short and long 
a-stems are -o, -a. -o, adlo 21. 1 1, bytto 5. 37, ceastro 9. 12, 
hrsesto 14. 7, merdo I 9. 14, sauelo 21. 19, ge^eodo 21. 
24, stefno 23. 23, wombo 23. 29, wrioto 24. 45, ftoncungo 
17. 16; -a, fserma I 11. 2, sauela I 10. 15, wacana 2. 8, 
iSoncgunga 22. 1 7 ; -as occurs in feorSungas 21. 2, teig- 
ftuncgas 18. 12 ; -e occurs in "Songunge I 9. 8. 

(2) ja-stems : -o, bendo 8. 29, sibbo 14. 12, synno 7. 47, 
I 9. 14; -a, byrgenna 11. 44, 11. 47, synna 5. 20, 5. 23. 

The nouns in -nis(s)e generally have the ending -o: 
fyrhtnisso 21. n, eorShroernisso 21. n, smiriniso 23. 56, 
ondspyrniso 17. i ; -e appears in deaftbernisse 21. n. 

(3) wa-stems: stowa 11. 24, stoua 21. n. 

VI. Gen. pi. (i) a-stems. The normal ending -a 
appears only in giunga I 7. 2 ; the weak ending -ana in 
ceastrana 5. 12 ; the adjectival ending -ra in writta 1 3. 3, 
cursuogra 16. 28, scrsedungra 9. 17. 

(2) ja-stems: synna 1. 77, 3. 3, yftana 21. 25. 

VII. Dat. pi. The ending is -um. 

Examples. (i) a-stems: geafum 21. 5, sagum I 2. 10, 
w u rseccum 12. 48, fsermum 14. 8, &c. 

(2) ja-stems : byrgennum 8. 27, synnum I 4. 20. 



VOCALIC STEMS 101 

The i-Declension. 

116. Masculines. 

I. Nom., ace. sing. Short and long stems are alike 
without ending. Examples. Short stems : mett 12. 23, 
stydd 10. i, msegwlit 9. 29 ; abstracts in -scip, brofterscip 
11. 42, hogoscip 2. 47, gebearscip 14. 13. With ending 
-e, dene 3. 5, 16. 26, and the loan-word oele 10. 34. 

Long stems : metbselig 22. 36, dael 10. 42, erest 20. 27, 
huoerf 6. 35, ymbhyrft 2. i, legeftslseht 10. 18, sab 17. 2, 
stennc 23. 56, feerstylt 5. 26, wyrp 22. 41, feng I 7. 14, 
gefeng 5. 4, faell 6. 49, hrses 8. 23. 

II. Gen. sing. The ending is -es. Examples : mettes 
I 7. 15, suSdseles I 7. 8, ondfenges 9. 5, eristes 20. 36, 
ymbhuirftes 4. 5, oeles 16. 6, saes 21. 25. 

III. Dat. sing. The normal ending is -e, but uninflected 
forms are frequent. Examples : -e, mere 5. i, ymbhuirfte 
21. 26, gigo'Se 18. 21, hogascipe 1. 17 ; uninflected, 
bend 13. 16, dsel 5. 19, erest 20. 33, gefeng 5. 9, ferrses 8. 
33, metbselig 22. 35, gebearscip I 5. 2. 

IV. Nom., ace. pi. The ending is -o : bendo 8. 29, 
meto 3. u, stenco 24. i, ge^eodo 21. 24, gebearscipo 9. 14; 
-a appears in lioda 17. n. 

V. Gen. pi. The ending is -a: spyrda 24. 13, lioda 

8. 26. 

VI. Dat. pi. The ending is -um. Examples : dselum 

9. 14, beanbselgum 15. 16, gebearsciopum 24. 46. 

Note. The compounds in -ern belong here if the derivation < *-ranni 
is correct (S. 89, anm. 4; Lind. 2 165). The following forms occur: 
nom. sing., berern 12. 24, gestern 22. u, hordern 12. 24; ace. sing., 
berern 3. 17 ; ace. pi., bererno 12. 18. 

117. Feminines. 

Only long stems occur: dene 3. 5, 16. 26, indeed, is 
considered as ' The only remnant of the i-Declension in 
short-syllabled feminines' by Lind. (Mem. p. 284, foot- 
note), but S. 263 classes it among the masculines. 



102 DECLENSION OF NOUNS 

I. Nom. sing. Without ending are coen 11. 31, mseht 
22. 53, SQ 16. 1 6, bisen 15. 4, gemynd 17. 18, sed 8. u, 
tid 1. 57 ; with, ending -e, portcuoene 7. 37, 39 (cf. Lind. 7 
Mem. p. 284), onsione 9. 53 ; -o, biseno 8. 9, bisseno9. u. 

II. Ace. sing. Without ending are : bisen 14. 7, cuoen 
I 7. 8, losuist 9. 25, sed 8. 5, geftuild 18. 7, wyrt 11. 42, 
SB 2. 39, scyld I 8. 19 ; with ending -e, bisene 8. 4, 
13. 6, gesihiSe 7. 21 ; -o, biseno 18. i, gesihfto 1. 22, 
4. 1 8, 24. 23 (this last is classed as ace. pi. by Lind., Mem. 
p. 285). 

III. Gen. sing. The ending -es occurs in aes 2. 27, 

7. 30, &c., tides 4. 5, woreldes 20. 34. Onsione 9. 29 
glosses the Latin gen. vultus, which the scribe may easily 
have taken for a nom. (' maegwlit onsione ' glosses species 
vultus}. 

IV. Dat. sing. Forms occur both with and without 
ending. 

Examples. e, bisene I 9. 6, oefeste 1. 39, sede 1. 55, 

gesigSe 9. 52, worulde 1. 70, 1. 55 ; -o, bisseno 1 8. 5 ; tide 
21. 36, in the phrase * alle tide,' is listed by Cook as ace. 
pi., but appears rather to be dat. sing., glossing as it does 
the abl. sing, omni tempore, while tido 21. 24, glosses 
the pi. tempora ; the form alle, however, appears as the 
dat. sing. fern, in Luke 4. 25, 6. 17, 23. 44. 

Uninflected: ded 10. 25, SB 2. 24, efnegemynd 22. 19, 
mseht 1. 17, world 18. 30; $yld 21. 19, and geSyld 8. 15, 
1 10. 14 may be dat. or ace. (cf. Lind., Mem. p. 286). 

V. Nom., ace. pi. The endings are -o, -a : byto 5. 37, 
msehto 10. 13, I 6. u, tido 21. 24, gesihfto I 3. 12, deda 
I 11. 5, wyrta 12. 27. 

Without ending is lyf I 10. 12, in the phrase 'tuoge 
lyf ' (duo aera). 

VI. Gen. pi., wyrta 23. 56 is the only example. 

VII. Dat. pi. The ending is -um : byttum 5. 37, port- 
cuoenum 15. 30, dedum 23. 51, msehtuni 12. n, tidum 

8. 27. 



VOCALIC STEMS 103 



The u-Declension. 

118. Masculines. 

(a) Short stems. Only sunn occurs. 

Sing, nom., sunu 16. 25, &c., sune 15. 31 ; gen., sunu 
17. 2,2, (three times) ; dat., sunu 6. 2,2, (four times), sune 
I 3. 4; ace., sunu 9. 38, suno 20. 13, sune 21. 36 ; pi. nom. 
and ace., sunu 6. 35, 20. 36, suno 15. 1 1, &c. ; gen. and 
dat., sunvm 7. 28. 

(b) Long stems and polysyllables. Sing. nom. and ace., 
summer 21. 30, hunger 4. 25, 15. 14, sea^ 14. 5 ; gen. and 
dat., hungre 15. 1 7, seaSe 6. 39, I 8. 9 ; pi. nom. and ace., 
hungro 21. u, wintro 2. 37, 41 ; gen., wintra I 2. 4 (four 
times), wintro 8. 42 (may be nom. pi.); dat., wintrum 

8.43- 

Other words, originally u-stems, have gone over en- 
tirely into the o-Declension ; e. g. dea3, flod, ftorn, and 
the words in -had. 

119. Feminines. 

One long- and one short-syllabled feminine u-stem are 
met. 

Sing, nom., dura 11. 7, hond 1. 66 ; gen., ; dat., dura 
16. 20, hond 1. 71 ; ace., duro 13. 25, hond 5. 13 ; pi. nom. 
and ace., hond 27. 7, honda 21. 12, hondo 20. 19 ; gen., ; 
dat., durum 7. 12, hondum 4. n. 

An original fern, u-stem is nom. sing, coern 17. 2, dat. 
sing, coern I 9. n (cf. S. 274, anm. i). 

120. Neuters. 

A remnant of the neuter u-stem is seen in the nom. 
and ace. fealo 12. 48, feolo 16. 7, &c. (S. 275). 

Feh, an original neuter u-stem, has gone into the 
o-Declension ; the forms occurring in L. are : gen. sing., 
fsees 15. 12; ace., feh 8. 43, &c. The u of the stem 
appears in the compound feh u geroefa 12. 42. 



104 DECLENSION OF NOUNS 

The Weak Declension: n-stems. 

121. Masculines. 

The final -n of the oblique cases has been lost in North. 
(S. 276, anm. 5) ; the vocalic ending is typically -a, but 
frequently appears as -o, -e, and once as -se. The strong 
ending -es (-as) often appears in the gen. sing. 

I. Nom. sing. Examples : -a, sefgroefa 12. 58, geroefa 
23. 4, brydguma 5. 34, hona 22. 34, geleafa 8. 48, hlega 
6. 1 6, lichoma 28.55, aldawuta 7. 39, oxa 14. 5, seldra 15. 
35 > -) geroefo 16. 8, geleafo 7. 50, ondo 1. is, sado 21. 35 ; 
-e, witge 7. 38, 7. 39, 24. 19 ; -se, witgse 9. 8. 

II. Ace. sing. : -a, cofa 19. 46, egesa 21. s6, fola I 10. 2, 
doema 12. 14, geleafa 5. so, pocca 9. 3, posa 9. 3, geroefa 
16. i, scendla 11. 8, willa 12. 47, and others; -o, folo 
19. 30, geleafo 7. 9, ondo 7. 16, oxo 15. 23, ondwlitto 

22. 64, tintergo 12. 5, &c. ; -e, witge ; without ending, 
inking 23. 4. 

III. Gen. sing. : -a, heafodponna 23. 33 ; -o, witgo 
11. 29 ; -es, witges 3. 4, inftinges 23. 4, brydgumes 5. 34, 
lichomes 11. 34; -as, geleafas 12. s8. 

IV. Dat. sing. : -a, inna 1. 15, gegerela 23. n, bigencga 
13. 7, mona 21. 25, doema 12. 58, lichoma 12. ss, geroefa 
18. 19, wyrtruma 3. 9, &c. ; -o, gegerelo 24. 4, mitto 
11. 33, dsersto I 8. 16, ondo 1. 74; -e, doeme 19. 13, 
daarste 12. i, bigeonle 13. 7, sefgroefe 12. 58, inne 11. 7 ; 
without ending, brydgum I 5. 2,. 

V. Nom., ace. pi.: -o, droppo 22. 44, eswico 13. 15, 
doemo 11. 19, gefoero 5. 10, gegerelo 19. 36, morsceafto 

23. 33, tintergo 12. 5 (but cf. Lea 156, II, b), aldro 2. 43; 
-a, noma 10. so, doema 12. 14, erendureca 9. 52. 

VI. Gen. pi. : -ana, uuSutana I 10. n, dserstana 22. i, 
witgana 11. 47; -ano, foerano I 4. 18; -ena, witgena 
1. 70 ; -una, uutuna 1. 17 ; -na, oxna 14. 19 ; strong gen., 
noma 6. 16, seldra 13. 31. 

VII. Dat. pi. The regular ending is -um. Examples : 



VOCALIC STEMS 105 

waelum I 5. 15, sceaSum I 11. 7, daerstum I 7. 12, willum 
8. 14, telgum 13. 19, witgum 6. 26, tintergum 16. 23, 
seldrum 21. 16 ; -om occurs in wselom 16. 9, witgom 
24. 27. 

122. Feminines. 

I. Nom. sing.: -a, moh$a 12. 33, tunga 1. 64, culfra 
3. 22, widua 7. 12, nedra 11. IT, hearta 12. 34 ; -o, eorSo 
21. 33, redo I 11. 5, 16 ; -se, fonnse 3. 17, windgefonnse 
3. 17. 

'Siwa originally belonged to the ja-stems, but in the 
nom. sing, is weak, and in the gen. sg. and ace. pi. follows 
the forms of the o-Declension (cf. Lind., Mem. p. 273, 
anm.). The forms in L. are : nom. sing., $iwa 1. 38 ; 
gen. sing. Piuses 1. 48 ; ace. pi., ftiuwas 12. 45. 

II. Ace. sing.: -a, asca 9. 5, cirica 7. 5, farma 5. 29, 
nedra 11. n, widua 21. 2, scendla 11. 8 ; -o, eorSo 8. 8, 
selmiso I 7. 16 ; -u, eoriSu 22. 44. 

III. Gen. sing. Only strong endings occur : eariSes 
12. 56, farmes 14. 17, heartes 6. 45, widues 15. n. 

IV. Dat. sing. : a, sunna 21. 25, widua 4. 26, hearta 
2. 19, asca 10. 13, wica I 11. 16 ; -o, eorSo 2. 14, &c., wico 
18. 12 ; -e, herte 8. 15. 

V. Nom., ace. pi. : -a, faerma 1 11. 2, widua 4. 25, hearta 
1. 17 ; -o, hearto 21. 34, sido 12. 35. 

VI. Gen. pi. : -ena, wid u ena 20. 47. 

VII. Dat. pi.: -um, eorSum 21. 5, fsermum 14. 8, 
nedrum 10. 19, plaeccum 14. 21. 

Note. wacan (ace. sing.) 12. 38, Lea 158, II,' considers as a weak 
feminine retaining its final -n. Against this assumption is waccane 
(ace. sing.) 12. 38, as well as wseccenes John I 3. 14. The gen. pi. 
wacana appears to be a weak form, but it is equally possible that 
we have here the strong ending -a added to wacan-. 

Abstracts in -u, -o (cf. S. 279). 

Sing, nom., fyrhto 4. 36, haelo 19. 8, snyttro 11. 49 (for 
the umlaut cf. S. 279, anm. 3) ; ace., hseldo (for seldo) 
1. 36, hselo 1. 71, menigo 1. 10, snytro 2. 47 ; gen., haelo 



106 DECLENSION OF NOUNS 

1. 69, hseles 1. 77 ; dat., seldo 2. 52, fyrhto 5. 26, hselo 
I 8. 17, lencgo 19. 3, snytro 2. 52, unsnytro 6. n ; with- 
out ending, leng 12. 25 ; pi. nom., menigo 4. 42, &c. ; 
gen., -ana, ftiostrana 22. 53 ; -ona, ftiostriona 11. 36 ; dat., 
menigum 23. 4 ; ace., hselo 13. 32, menigo 5. 3. 

123. Neuters. 

Sing, nom., ego 11. 34, eostro 22. i (for the gender 
of eostro, v. S. 278, anm. 3) ; gen., eastres 2. 41 ; dat., 
ego 6. 41, eostro I 11. i ; ace., eare 12. 3, ego 18. 25, 
eostro 22. 8 ; pi. nom., ego 2. 30, &c. ; gen., ; dat., 
earum 4. 21, egum 6. 20 ; ace., earo 8. 8, eoro I 8. 15, ego 
16. 



Minor Declensions. 

124. Irregular consonant stems. 

I. Masculines. Sing, nom., mon 6. 45, sciremonn 3. i, 
woercmonn 10. 7, aldormonn 8. 41, moneiS 1. 36 ; gen., 
monnes, mon ( = ?) 19. 10, aldormonnes 7. 2 ; dat., menn 
I 7. 6, ftaemenn 8. 33, aldormen 12. 58, ricemenn 7. 41 ; 
without the umlaut is aldormonn 8. 49 ; weak form, 
monno 1. 27 mg. ; with ending -e, monafte 1. 26 ; ace., 
only weak forms occur in L., monno 8. 35, aldormono 
I 9. 19 ; pi. nom., aldormenn 19. 47, cuftamen 1. 58 ; gen., 
monna 18. u, fota 9. 5, 20. 43; -o, monno 24. 7 ; weak 
ending, to^ana 13. 28 ; dat., aldormonnum 9. 22, monum 
20. 1 6, monaSum 1. 56, moneSum 1. 24, &c. ; ace., menn 
7. 31, &c., cuSomenn 14. 12, heremenn 7. 8, foet 24. 39; 
with ending -a, foeta 7. 45. 

II. Feminines. Sing, nom., boc 4. 17, burug 9. 10 ; 
ace., boc 4. 17, naeht 5. 5, middernseht 11. 5, burug 8. 34, 
burg 18. 31, sulh 9. 62 ; gen., -es, nsehtes 2. 8 ; -a, burga 
11. 30 ; -e, burge I 2. i ; dat., without change, boc 3. 4, 
nseht 2. 37 ; with i-umlaut, boec 20. 42, byrig 4. 23, &c., 
byr' 11. 32 ; pi. ace., burgas 19. 19 ; gen., burga 4. 26 ; 
dat., burgum 17, 29. 



VOCALIC STEMS 107 

125. Stems in -r. 

I. Fseder. Sing, nom., feeder 12. 30 (twelve times), 
fader 15. 18 (four times) ; ace., fseder I 3. 2 (four times), 
fader 3. 8 (four times) ; gen., fadores 1. 32 (eleven times) ; 
dat., feder 15. 18 (thirteen times), fsedir 22. n, feeder 
15. 12; pi. nom., fadoras 6. 23, fador (=?) 6. 26; ace., 
fadores 1. 55 ; gen., fadora 11. 48 ; dat., fadorum 1. 72. 

II. Broker. Sing, nom., broker 6. 42 ; ace., broker 6. 14 ; 
gen., broSres 3. 19 ; dat., broftre 6. 42, broftere 3. i, broker 
I 9. 4 ; pi. nom., broftro 8. 19, broftero 20. 29 ; ace., broftro 
14. 12; gen., broftero I 10. 9 ; dat., . 

III. Moder. Sing, nom., moder 8. 20 ; ace., moder 
1 5. 17 ; gen., moderes 1. 15, moederes I 4. 5, moder 1 5. n ; 
dat.,moeder 7. 15, 12. 52. 

IV. Dohter. Sing, nom., dohter 2. 36 ; gen., ; dat., 
dohter I 5. 20, doehter 12. 52 ; pi. nom., dohtero 23. 28 ; 
dat., doht'rum 1. 5. 

V. Swoester. Sing, nom., suoest' 10. 39, soest' 10. 40 ; 
dat., suoester I 7. i ; pi. ace., suoestro 14. 26. 

126. Stems in -nt. 

Sing, nom., hselend 2. n, hselen 14. 3, freond 7. 34, 
friond 11. 8, woepenberend 11. 21 ; ace., hselend 1. 31, 
friond 11. 5, londbuend I 3. 8, haldond I 6. 13 ; gen., 
fiondes 10. 19, sellendes 22. 21 ; dat., hselend 7. 4, frionde 
I 7. 3, fionde I 8. i, wepenberend I 7. 5; pi. nom., 
friondas 23. 12, fiondas 23. 12, haldendo 2. 8, buendo 
20. 14, wyrcendo 13. 27 ; ace., freondas 7. 6, friondas 
14. 12, wiffreondas 15. 9, fiondas I 10. i, fiondes 6. 
35, freondo 2. 44, telendo I 6. 12; gen., fionda 1. 74, 
wyrcedra 10. 2 (adj. ending) ; dat., friondum 12. 4, buen- 
dum 20. 9. 

127. Stems in -os, -es. 

Sing. nom. : seg 11. 2, cild 1. 41, 44 ; ace., cild 2. 12, 16, 
doeg 17. 22, symbeldoeg 23. 17; gen., ; dat., doege 
1. 20, &c., doeg 17. 22 ; pi. ace., lombro 10. 3, cildo 18. 15, 
ehras 6. i ; dat., dogrum 2. 46. 



108 ADJECTIVES 



CHAPTEE XVII. ADJECTIVES 

The Strong Declension. 

128. On account of the glossator's arbitrary manner of 
dealing with his adjectives, which sometimes agree with 
the case and gender of the OE. nouns and sometimes with 
those of the Latin adjective, the classification of his 
adjectives is a task of peculiar difficulty and slight 
significance (cf. Lind. 2 62, ; Lea 168 ; Fii. 91). 

I. Nom. sing. 

(1) The masculine o-stems are regularly without ending : 
god 6. 45, all 2. i, an 23. 39, blind 18. 35, micel 1. 15, 
aid 1. 1 8, strong 15. 14, glsed 23. 8, lyttel 19. 13, fearr 
7. 6, wraft 14. 21. A few have endings : -e, wraftSe 13. 14, 
iSserfe 16. 20 ; fearra 15. 2,0 is classed as an adjective in 
Cook, G-l., but glosses the Latin adverb longe. 

Pret. parts. : welboren 19. 12, fromdoen 24. n, ancende 
(for ancennede) 7. j 2. 

jo-stems: fremSe 24. 18, unclsene 11. 24, diorwyrSe 
7. 2, gesene 23. 8, ondfenge 4. 24, woede 11. 7, unwittende 
I 7. 19. 

wo-stems : gearo 22. 33. 

(2) Neuter. The o-stems are regularly without end- 
ing: an 10. 42, softfsest 12. 57, all 1. 37, halig 1. 35, 
micel 16. 26, reht 13. 16, full 11. 39. With ending -e : 
rehtlice I 7. 20, unease 18. 24, allefne 23. 18; -a, micla 
18. 25, wona 11. 41 (S. 291, anm. 2). 

Jo-stems : blrSe I 7. 9, degla 8. 17, wyrSe 23. 15, milde 
11. 34 ; -a, niua 5. 36, 37. 
wo-stems : nearo 13. 24. 

(3) Feminine, a-stems : the feminines regularly end in 
-o ; but -a and -e are found ; -o, deado 20. 32, oftero 10. 35, 
monigo 7. n, uncuSo 21. n, micelo 6. 35, menigo 5. 29, 
'Sorfondlico 21. 2 ; -a, yfla 6. 43 ; -e, $arfe 21. 3, and the 
pret. part, ancende 8. 42 ; uninflected, all 8. 37, forShald 



THE STRONG DECLENSION 109 

13. IT, unberend 1. 7, an 17. 35, full 1. 38. The ending 
-i appears in alii 1. 10. 

ja-stems : niwa 22. so, woedo 18. 5. 

II. Ace. sing. 

(i) Masculine. The regular ending -ne occurs in 
aline 9. 35, enne 15. 4, onssecne 14. 18, sumne 23. s6, 
unmiltheortne I 9. s, ofterne, synfullne 15. 7 ; -e in alle 
9. 13, summe 10. 38, dseghusemlice 11. 3, welige 1 9. 2, and 
the pret. part, frumcende 2. 7 (for frumcennede) ; unin- 
flected, all 21. 4, an 15. 7, god 6. 43, halig 12. 10, micel 
5. 39, sum 11. 36, fsett 15. 23, the pret. part, gelefen 

14. 19 ; -o, weligo 19. 16. 

jo-stems: unclsene 4. 33, wyrSe 3. 8, unwyrSe I 4. 7, 
idelhende 20. 10, idilende 20. n ; with the regular end- 
ing of the ace. masc. adjective, unclsenne 9. 43 ; a peculiar 
ending is found in suueti 23. 56. 

An original u-stem survives in cwic 10. 30 (S. 303), 
but in North, has gone over entirely into the o-Declension. 

(s) Neuter. These are regularly without ending : all 
4. 14, an 16. 17, unneh 15. 13, aid 5. 36, micel 12. 48, long 
20. 47, fearr 19. is, full 7. 37, lyttel 7. 37; -e occurs in 
alle 3. 3, micle 22. 41. 

jo-stems : -e, dryge 6. 8, gece 10. 25, ondfenge 4. 19 ; -o, 
eco 16. 9 ; -i, drugi I 5. 4. 

(3) Feminine : -o, o"Sero 6. 29, micleo 7. 9, menigo 
18. 4, ftorfondlico 21. 2, ; -a, ana 10. 40 ; -e, alle 5. 5, longe 
I 11. n, Sorfe I 9. 3; without ending, all 10. 19, an 
12. 25. 

III. Gen. sing. 

(i) Masculine. The regular ending is-es: godes I 7. 
17, yfles I 7. 17, so'Sfsestes I 3. is, wlonces 16. si, men- 
nisces I 2. 16, halges 2. 42, summes 12. 16, wundes 1 6. 19 ; 
-as, wloncas 12. 16. 

jo-stem : suSernaes 11. 31. 

(2,) Neuter: -es, anes 22. 59, halges 1. 72. 

jo-stems : niwes I 5. 3. 



110 ADJECTIVES 

(3) Feminine : -o, huono 12. 28, lytlo 12. 28 (these are 
both used with the masculine noun geleafas, but appear 
as feminine owing probably to the Latin adjective pus- 
sillae, which they gloss) ; without ending, heofonlic 
2. 13, all 21. 35 (this word is constantly used with entire 
disregard of case and gender). 

IV. Dat. sing. 

(1) Masculine. The ending -urn occurs in anum 11. 
46, allum 21. 26, oftrum 16. 7, strongum I 7. 5, synnfullum 
6. 34; -e, ane 4. 4, alle 10. 27, oftre 7. 8, blinde I 9. 18, 
halge 1. 15, huite 23. n, scyldge 11. 4, welige 17. 14 ; -o, 
miclo 2. 9, oSero 6. 6 ; without ending, an I 2. 10, halig 

2. 2,6, full I 3. 4, utacund 16. 12, (used as a noun), un- 
rehtwis 19. 13. 

jo-stems : unclsene I 7. 6, halwoende 1. 47. 

(2) Neuter : -um, ofterum 9. 56, allum 8. 47, anum 
5. 3, miclum 2. 10, 13. 19, huitum 10. 13, lytlum 16. 10 ; 
-e, aide 23. 31 ; -o, lytlo I 7. 15; without ending, an 
17. 34, lichomlic 3. 22, unrehtwis 16. n, unadrysenlic 

3. 17. 

jo-stems: -e, niue 5. 36, ece I 9. 16, groene 23. 31, 
diorwyrfte 7. 25, and the pres. part, unberendum I 8. 3 ; 
-i, drygi 23. 31. 

(3) Feminine. The ending -ra occurs in allra 10. 27 ; 
-e, alle 4. 25, suifte 9. 43, micle 4. 33, summe 18. 2 ; -o, 
o$ero I 11. 1 8, oftoro 5. 7, miclo 8. 37, menigo 23. 8; -a, 
micla 1. 42 ; without ending, an 8. 22, woestig 9. 12. 

V. Nom. pi. 

(i) Masculine. The endings -o and -e occur most 
frequently: -o, halo 5. 31, deado 7. 22, oftoro 18. u, 
softfaesto 1. 6, syndrigo 2. 3, blindo 7. 22, idlo I 9. 7, 
deafo 7. 22, sumo 13. i, unwiso 11. 40, cufto 2. 44, h lsetto 
24. 25, menigo 7. 47, gelico 20. 36, &c. ; -e, alle 1. 48, 
unhale I 5. 6, glsede 1. 14, behofe I 8. 18, gearnfulle 
12. n, synnfulle 6. 33 ; -a, oftora 9. 27, fssrwitfulla 12. 26. 

jo-stems : -e, wyrfte 20. 35, gesene 9. 31, onfenge 9. 10, 



THE STRONG DECLENSION 111 

and the pres. part, welfremmende 22. 25; -o, onfengo 
9. 16. 

wo-stems : gearuu 12. 40. 

(2) Neuter. The endings are -o, -e, -a: oftero I 2. 7, 
oftro 8. 2, micelo 21. n ; -e, alle 1. 65, eihe 6. 34, lytle 
13. 23 ; -a, moniga 7. 12, morlonda 1. 65. 

jo-stems: -o, clseno 11-41, wyrfto 28.41, roefto 3. 5; -e, 
gesene 24. n. 

(3) Feminine: -o, oftero 8. 3, monigo 4. 25, miclo 
21. ii ; -e, alle 19. 37, sume 24. 32. 

ja-stem : unberando 23. 29. 

VI. Ace. pi. 

(1) Masculine. The usual ending is -o; -a and -e 
occur, -o, halo 23. 35, oSoro 10. i, softfaesto 20. 20, 
monigo 1. 16, syndrio I 9. n, rehto 3. 4, idlo 1. 53, 
ungeleaffulo 1. 17, lytlo I 9. 25 ; -e, softfasste I 6. 18, alle 
2. 41, miltheorte 6. 36 ; -a, suyndriga I 3. 7, wseterleasa 
11. 24. 

(2) Neuter : -o, godo 12. 18, miclo 1. 49, hulco I 9. 3, 
"Suslico 9. 9, lytlo I 9. 17; -e, alle 1. 3; -a, alia 11. 22, 
goda I 5. 9, oftera I 11. 4 ; nedftarfo 11. 8 is a doubtful 
form. 

jo-stem : eco 16. 9. 

(3) Feminine : alle 21. 36. 

VII. Gen. pi. 

(1) Masculine. The regular ending is -ra: deadra 
20. 38, soSfsestra 1. 17, monigra 2. 34, allra 1. 71, haligra 
9. 26, hseftinra 21. 25 (gentium), lytelra I 8. 7, synnfullra 
7. 34, Suslicra 18. 16", iSserflicra I 7. 19 (noun), bsersynnigra 
I 5. 2, scyldigra I 5. 14 ; -a occurs in untrymmia 14. 16, 
lytla 1 8. 7, oSera 5. 29 ; -o, hsedno 21. 25 (used as a noun = 
gentium), monigo 8. 32. 

(2) Neuter: godra 19. 8, alra 2. 31, allra 18. 12. 

VIII. Dat. pi. The ending is -um. 

(i) Masculine : godum 21. 5, deadum 9. 7, yflum 6. 35, 
allum 1. 75, syndrigum 4. 40, blindum 4. 18, wloncum 



ADJECTIVES 

I 5. 7, aldum 5. 37, miclum 23. 23, &c. ; -om (-6) occurs in 
o^orom 24. 9, oftrom 12. 14, monigom I 7. 18 ; -o, menigo 
12. 47 appears to be used adverbially; huon 12. 48 is 
uninflected. 

. jo-stems : unclsenum 4. 36, niuum 5. 38, smoeSum 3. 5, 
halwoendum I 6. 2 ; h nescum 7. 25 is an original u-stem 
(S. 303, anm. 2). 

(2) Neuter : allum 1. 6, lytlum 12. 48 ; -om (-o), lin- 
nenom 16. 19. 

(3) Feminine: allum 19. 37. 

The Weak Declension. 

129. I. Nom. sing. 

(1) Masculine : iSe bebbisca 18. 37 mg., $e f 'ma 19. 16, 
fte ana 5. 21, se alda 5. 39, se stronga 11. 21 ; hoga 12. 42. 

(2) Neuter : "Saet f 'ma 18. IT, ftset niua 5. 37. 

(3) Feminine: $iu seft'ra 19. 16. 

II. Ace. sing. 

(1) Masculine: ftone seft'ra 6. i, $one dumba I 7. 4, 
ftone ilca 9. 48, huita 6. 15, ilco 20. 44, ftone blinde 6. 39. 

(2) Neuter : ilca 20. 33, aide 5. 39, ilce 5. 37. 

(3) Feminine : $a seft'ra 12. 385 $a f ma 14. 8, ilco 18. 5. 

III. Dat. sing. 

(i) Masculine: Ssem ssft'ra 9. 37, ftsem wise 16. 18, 
f'mesto 16. 5, 'Seem argse 18. 18. 
Neuter : 'Ssem aide 5. 36, ftsem niue 5. 36, 'Ssom 
ilca 10. 7. 

(3) Feminine : Sser ilca 7. 48. 

IV. Gen. sing. 

Neuter : Sees godspellica I 2. 8. 

V. Nom. pi. 

Masculine : ilca 2. 8, $a forSmesto I 8. 7. 

VI. Ace. pi. 

(i) Masculine : -a, $a unstronga 9. 2, $a f'ma 11. 43 ; 
-o, fta deado 9. 60, i5a oferhygdego 1. 51, ^a eadgo I 5. 7, 
synfullo 5. 32, fta f mo 14. 7, ilco 4. 40. 



ADVERBS 113 

(2) Neuter : $a aldo 5. 37, ilco 9. n, ilca 4. 6. 

(3) Feminine : $a ungeleaffullo(co) 16. 15. 
VII. Dat. pi. 

Masculine: ilco 9. 5, ilcum 2. 18. 

Comparison of Adjectives. 

130. I. Comparative: ea$or5. 23, giungra 15. 12, 13, 
hera 22. 26", 27, stronga 3. 16, 11. 22, surSra 6. 6, Sarflicro 
17. 3, wohfullre 11. 26, wyrSro 14. 8, serrum 11. 2,6, seftra 
12. 38 ; irregular, f'ma 19. 16", betra 5. 39, leasa 7. 28, 
mara 7. 28, maro 11. 31, w u yrso 11. 26". Comparative 
made by adverb : betro hogo 16. 8 (=prudentiores). 

II. Superlative : seldesto 22. 52, seldestum 9. 22, gin- 
gesta 15. 12, heiste 1. 32, heista 1. 76, heisto 1. 35, heigsta 
I 11. 17, neesta 10. 36, wisistum 11. 45, wisestum 11. 46"; 
-ost, leofost 3. 22 ; irregular, forSmesto I 8. 7, hlsetmesto 

12. 59, leasssest 12. 26, maasta 9. 48. 

CHAPTER XVIII. ADVERBS AND NUMERALS. 
131. Adverbs. 

I. Adverbs ending in -e : eafte 12. 58, sedgesedre 23. 48, 
georne 1. 3, longe 14. 32, rae$e 18. 8, recte 20. 21, recone 
4. 39, swrSe 9. 29, symble 5. 33, suselce 18. n, fearre 
14. 32, gere 18. 24, huoe&re 11. 8, nsefre 15. 29, huoenne 
17. 20; -a, ana 8. 50, sefre 13. n, sona 1. 64, syndria 

9. 10, hefia 9. 39, eaiSa 14. 12; -se, suaelcse 11. 44; with 
the ending dropped, hefig 16. 16, fearr 15. 13. 

II. Adverbs in -lice. Examples : arlice 24. i , faestlice 
7. 49, feerlice I 4. 18, geornlice 7. 4, hefiglice 11. 53, 
hwoerflice I 10. 6, lustlice I 10. 5, oefistlice 8. 33, rehtlice 

10. 28, scearplice I 9. 4, &c. ; with loss of -e, arlic I 5. 5, 
feerlic 21. 34, softlic 11. 41. 

III. To WS. giena corresponds geane 8. 49. 

IV. Adverbs ending in -unga : eawunga I 7. 20, allunga 

13. n, woenunga 9. 13; with the final -e dropped, ea- 
wung 8. 17. 

i 



114 ADVERBS AND NUMERALS 

V. Oblique cases of nouns and adjectives used as 
adverbs. Examples: lytle I 5. 8, micla 18. 30, micle 
18. 39, licsendo (pres. part.) 16. 19, adune 19. 6, aduna 
4. 9, huon 5. 3, ned 9. 39, neh 21. 31, soft (thirty-nine 
times), aec soft 1. i, fearfald 19. 8, feorsiftum 19. 8, utte- 
weard 11. 39, on fta wisa 24. 26, on bsec I 6. 14, todseg 
2. n, todaege 5. 2,6, tomorgen 12. 28, to merne 18. 33, 
Sa huil 5. 34, lytle huile 22. 58, ofter huile 22. 32, 
oftero ftingo 14. 32, daeghusem 16. 19 ; and possibly the 
oblique case of a pronoun in sec f 'efton 7. 7. 

VI. Adverbs originally ending in -an lose their final 
-n in North. Examples : bef'a 11. 6, huona 1. 18, heona 
4. 9, bihianda 7. 38, ufa 24. 49, onufa 11. 44, uta 14. 35, 
buta 13. 28, siftfta 7. 45, fearra 16. 23, norSa 13. 29, sufta 
13. 29, woesta 13. 29. 

Exception : eghu u onan 19. 43. 

The final vowel appears as -e instead of -a in bef 'e 
1. 75, 10. 21. 

VII. Comparison of adverbs. 

I. Comparative : aer 2. 26, firr 24. 28, leng 20. 36, 40, 
lengre 24. 28, maa I 9. 8, mara 11. 13, 12. 24, suiftor 5. 15, 
ufor 14. 10. 

II. Superlative : aerist 9. 59, serest I 2. 9. 
132. Numerals. 

I. Cardinals : 

i : an 23. 39, ana 5. 21, anes 22. 59, anum 4. 8, enne 
15. 4. 

2: tuu 10. 17, tuoege I 8. 15, tuoera I 5. 14, tuaem 
9. 1 6, tuege 3. n, tuoeg 21. 2, tuoge I 10. 12, tuoe 2. 24, 
boege 1. 7, boego 1. 6, baem 7. 42. 

3 : ftrio 12. 52, "Sreana 10. 36, ftrim 4. 25, ftriim 1. 56, 
ftreo 11. 5. 

4: feouer 2. 37. 

5: fif 9. 13, fifo 12. 6. 

6: sex 4. 25. 

7 : seofon I 4. 9, seofono 11. 26. 



NUMERALS 115 

8 : gehto I 8. 2, aehtou 13. 4. 

9: nigona 17. 17, nigone 15. 7. 

10: tea 17. 12, tene I 8. 2, teum 14. 31. 

ii : sellefno 24. 33, sellefnum 24. 9. 

12: tuoelf 2. 42, tuoelfo ( = -om) 16. 12. 

20-90 : tuoentigum 14. 31, 'Srittig I 4. 8, "Srittih 3. 23, 
feortig I 4. 10, feortih 4. 2, fiftih 16. 6, fifteih 7. 41, sex- 
deih 24. 13, hundseofontig I 2. 4, unseofontigum I 6. 
14, hundhsehtatih 2. 37, hundneantig 15. 7, hundneontig 
15. 4, nigona b undneontig 15. 4. 

100: hundraft 15. 4, hundteantig 8. 8, hundteantih 
16. 6, hundtean ( = -teantih) 16. 7. 

500 : fif hund 7. 41. 

1000 : ftusendo 9. 14, ftusendum 14. 31. 

5000 : fif ftusendo. 

II. Ordinals. 

i : f'ma 19. 16, f mo 20. 46, for^mesto 1 8. 7, f 'wost 19. 2. 
2 : SBft'ra 12. 38. 

3 : Sirdda 24. 46, ^irde 13. 32, $irddan 9. 22, 18. 33. 
6 : seista 1. 26. 
8 : sehta-Se 1. 59. 

9 : nioSa I 10. 1 1, non 23. 44 (copied apparently from 
the Latin nonus). 

15 : fiftei^e 3. i, fiftei^o I 4. 6. 
ioo: hunteanteig ( = -e) I 10. n. 

III. Other numerals. 

Numeral adverbs: tuigo 18. 12, 'Sriga 22. 61, ^ria 
22. 34, seofa srSa 17. 4 (in I 7. 1 1 this strangely glosses 
sexies) ; seofofullice I 7. 6. 

Distributives: anlapum 4. 40 (= singulis), fif hund 
9. 14 (quinquagenos). 

Multiplicatives : Srifald I 4. n, feorsrSum 19. 8, fear- 
fald 19. 8, monigfald 6. 17. 

Note. Owing to the completeness with which the pronouns are 
classified in Cook's Glossary, it seems unnecessary to repeat them 
here. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



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Halle, 1901. 

BOSWOETH-TOLLEE, Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. [=B-T.] 
BOWEN, E. W., An Historical Study of the 6 -Vowel in Accented 

Syllables in English. Baltimore, 1893. 
BEAUNE, W., Ahd. Grammatik 2 . Halle, 1891. 
BEUGMANN, KAEL, Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indo- 

germanischen Sprachen. Strassburg, 1904. 
BULBEING, K. D., Altenglisches Elementarbuch. Heidelberg, 

1902. [ EB.] 
Anglia, Beiblatt vii, ix, x, xi, xii. [= Biilb., Angl. 

Beibl.] 
COOK, A. S., A Glossary of the Old Northumbrian Gospels. 

Halle, 1894. 

COSIJN, P. J., Altwestsachsische Grammatik. Haag, 1888. 
DIETEE, F., Laut- und Formenlehre der altgermanischen 

Dialekte. Leipzig, 1900. 
FISCHEE, F,, The Stressed Vowels of ^Ifric's Homilies. 

Publications of the Modern Language Association of 

America, iv, No. 2. 
FOLEY, E. H., The Language of the Northumbrian Gloss to the 

Gospel of Saint Matthew. Part I, Phonology. Yale 

Studies in English, No. 14. New York, 1903. [= Fo.] 
FUCHSEL, H., Die Sprache der northumbrischen Interlinear- 
version zum Johannes-Evangelium. Anglia, xxiv, 1-99. 

[= Fti.] 
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[= 




BIBLIOGRAPHY 117 

HILMER, H., Zur altnorthumbrischen Laut- und Flexions- 

lehre. Goslar, 1880. 
KALUZA, M., Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache, 

i. Berlin, 1900. [= Kal.] 
KLUGE, F., Nominale Stammbildungslehre der altgermani- 

schen Dialekte. Halle, 1889. [= Kl., NStB.] 
Vorgeschichte der altgermanischen Dialekte, in Paul's 

Grundriss, i, pp. 320 if. [=KL, PG.] 

Geschichte der englischen Sprache, in Paul's Grundriss, 
i, pp. 926 ff. 

KLUGE-LUTZ, English Etymology. Strassburg, 1898. [=K1.-L.] 
LEA, E. M., The Language of the Northumbrian Gloss to 

the Gospel of St. Mark. Anglia, xvi, pp. 62-206. 

[=Lea.] 
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singfors, 1890. [=Lind.] 
Beitrage zur Kenntniss des Altnorthumbrischen. 

Memoires de la Societe neo-philologique a Helsingfors, i 

(1893), pp. 219 if. [=Mem.] 

Die siidnorthumbrische Mundart des 10. Jahrhunderts. 
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MORSBACH, L., Mittelenglische Grammatik, i. Halle, 1896. 
[=M. E. GR] 

New English Dictionary. [=NED.] 

NOREEN, A., Altislandische und altnorwegische Grammatik. 
Halle, 1892. 

PAUL, H., Zur Geschichte des germanischen Vocalismus. 
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POGATSCHER, A., Zur Lautlehre der griechischen, lateinischen 
und romanischen Lehnworter im Altenglischen. Strass- 
burg, 1888. [=Pog.] 

SIEVERS, E., Angelsachsische Grammatik 3 . Halle, 1898. 

Beitrage viii, ix, x, xi, xviii, xxiv. 

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SKEAT, W. W., The Holy Gospels in Anglo-Saxon and North- 
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STRATMANN -BRADLEY, Middle English Dictionary. 



118 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

STREITBERG, W., Urgermanische Grammatik. Heidelberg, 

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PE 
292 



Kellum, Margaret Dutton 

The language of the 
Northumbrian gloss 
to the Gospel of St. Luke 



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UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY